Behind Diplomatic Lines

by Patrick R. H. Wright

  The press today was almost universally critical of the PM’s handling of the reshuffle, and her spiteful treatment of Geoffrey Howe. John Major told me, at our bilateral this afternoon, that he was worried by the implications in the press that he had been sent to the FCO to change Community Policy in an anti-European direction. He said that this was quite false (at least as far as he was concerned), though he might want to be a bit robust on occasions. I pointed out quite sternly that the FCO itself was often very robust, in spite of press allegations to the contrary.

  John Major is still feeling very new, and the pile-up of paper, and decisions waiting to be taken, is formidable. I think he has no idea what his programme is going to look like when he gets going properly. [It later occurred to me that the Foreign Secretary’s programme, apart from travel, can frequently involve up to twelve separate meetings a day – for all of which a degree of briefing is required; whereas the Chief Secretary probably has far fewer meetings, and probably the time to focus on one departmental meeting on public expenditure in one day.]

  When I suggested that he might hold some Carlton Gardens-type of seminar on broad foreign policy issues, he welcomed the idea, saying that we might have one a week in September. I warned him that this might be a little difficult. But he is very easy and informal to work with, and he has the reputation of being a formidably hard worker. When Tony Favell told my morning meeting that he had never known anyone to work so hard, I asked him how well he had known Geoffrey Howe.

  It does not look as though Norma Major is going to play much part in the service, or on his travels. He is also going to find it very difficult to spend as much time with his family as he would like.

  28 JULY 1989

  When I told the morning meeting today that John Major had said that he had not been sent to the FCO to change our European policies, Mark Lyall Grant (Francis Maude’s private secretary) said that Maude had claimed that that was his mission!

  4 SEPTEMBER 1989

  [Summer leave, including Olivia’s wedding to Simon McDonald at St Bride’s.] I returned to the office today, after a weekend of catching up with paper. The main preoccupations over the holidays have been Colombia drugs, and aid for the new non-Communist government in Poland. The PM’s talk with Mitterrand on Friday went well, with Mitterrand stressing his wish to avoid rows with us. They had a long and very private talk on Germany, on which both share considerable worries, particularly with Eastern Europe in turmoil. John Major seems to have performed well with Dumas, though he is clearly finding the welter of paper intimidating, and has complained (as did Jim Callaghan during my time in No. 10) that it leaves him no time to think.

  The Howes are still in Carlton Gardens, having moved out of Chevening, and John Major has given instructions that no efforts should be made to hurry them out (though Elspeth told us at the British Museum this evening that they will be out by the end of this month). John Major is himself staying in the resident clerks’ flat, to the despair of the private office.

  The PM had given instructions this morning that President Menem’s brother (the Speaker of the Argentinian Parliament, who is here for the IPU conference) was not to meet the Queen or herself, nor any senior ministers. On arrival at the Royal Gallery, I was immediately nobbled by David Montgomery, and introduced to Menem.

  I saw a stream of under-secretaries today, including John Kerr, who is (wrongly) chastising himself for what he sees as his role in Geoffrey Howe’s departure, and who, like David Hannay (whom I also saw), is pretty gloomy about the future of community work, particularly given a very weak new team in the Department of Trade.

  Lynda Chalker is still lobbying hard to stay on the no. 1 board, but seems to have over-sold her case with John Major last week. I will try to persuade John Major to select Tim Sainsbury for the job, but may have to fall back on Lord Brabazon.

  Otherwise, I have gathered few impressions yet of the new team. Francis Maude has shown he is both bright and susceptible to advice. But he clearly regards himself as the PM’s spy in the camp, and told John Kerr that he proposed to continue his practice in the Department of Trade of calling fortnightly on Charles Powell.

  5 SEPTEMBER 1989

  A long bilateral with John Major this afternoon. He was in expansive form, and kept me for nearly two hours. Lynda Chalker had telephoned him about six times, mainly no doubt about her seat on the no. 1 board. Although John was initially inclined to think it didn’t matter if it looked odd, he suggested, before I did, that Tim Sainsbury would do it best. He clearly did not want either William Waldegrave or Francis Maude to do it. William was one of the ministers whose political judgement could be said to be erratic. He is nevertheless keen to delegate more to his junior ministers – secretaries of state always start off by saying that! – and accepts that occasional misjudgements might be made. I pointed out to him the risk of the PM occasionally raising things with him that he had not heard about.

  John Kerr tells me that John Major had a reputation in the Treasury for tunnel vision – i.e. briefing himself fully on the subject in hand, but not more broadly. John Major virtually admitted this to me, describing William Waldegrave as a ‘conceptual thinker’, unlike himself. He is still worried about his lack of background knowledge, though I told him that a constant reading of telegrams would quickly build up a good base. He is also very worried about his visit to Washington this weekend, and rather suspicious of Jim Baker (who he thinks leaked unhelpful accounts of their meeting in Paris).

  John Major is also worried that the press will be looking for opportunities to contrast him with Geoffrey Howe. For this reason, Stephen Wall tells me he has hesitated to invite me to accompany him to the States, since it would look as though a new Foreign Secretary was being guarded by his mandarins.

  He is keen to use Carlton Gardens effectively, but made no mention of Geoffrey Howe’s continued occupancy. He has suggested that junior ministers should also use it for their entertaining, and readily agreed that I could occasionally. When I suggested that, as an exception, he might be prepared to meet my French opposite number, François Scheer, when he comes next month for talks and lunch, he rather horrified Stephen Wall by suggesting that he and I might jointly give Scheer lunch in Carlton Gardens à trois. I expressed suitable thanks, but suggested that he would have his hands full looking after foreign ministers, without entertaining secretaries general. He was happy to leave it to my judgement, but stressed that the importance of Anglo-French relations made him quite ready to stand by his offer.

  I lunched with Max Hastings of the Daily Telegraph. Having recently appointed Julia Langdon of the Daily Mirror as the political leader writer, he told me that Conrad Black, the proprietor, had received two complaints: one from Alistair McAlpine, the Conservative Party mogul; the other from Charles Powell, saying he hoped she would not bring her left-wing views to the Telegraph. Possibly in order to test my reaction, Max said he was outraged that a civil servant should speak like that, and claimed that dislike of Charles Powell was the one factor that united all Cabinet meetings.

  Max Hastings was very critical of Geoffrey Howe’s performance over the reshuffle, though he blamed Elspeth for extensive leaking over Madrid etc. He quoted G. K. Chesterton as saying that there were ‘Big Great Men’, who make those around them feel great; and ‘Little Great Men’, who do the opposite. He thought Margaret Thatcher fell into the second category, with her contemptuous treatment of her Cabinet colleagues.

  7 SEPTEMBER 1989

  There are signs of strain in the private office, with Stephen Wall resisting John Major’s suggestion of office meetings at 9.30 p.m. before he retires to the resident clerks’ flat. Stephen also issued a cross minute today, criticising the briefing for Washington as inadequate. John Major likes to have the full story, which is going to result in vast briefs, which will put quite a strain on both the office and the Foreign Secretary.

  Charles Powell called this afternoon, describing the Prime Minister as ‘incorrigible’ over Argentina. When M
ichael Marshall tried to persuade her just to shake Speaker Menem’s hand at the IPU conference, she replied: ‘I don’t shake hands with our enemies.’ The Madrid negotiations are not going to be easy.

  1–13 SEPTEMBER 1989: VISITS TO WASHINGTON AND NEW YORK

  This was John Major’s first major visit abroad (apart from his short trip to Paris for the Cambodia conference). He was very nervous, both because of his inexperience, and from his fear that the press would draw unfavourable contrasts with Geoffrey Howe (‘Was it for this that the PM had a reshuffle etc. etc.?’). In fact he did very well, and seemed to be totally in command of his brief. His manner is far more direct than Geoffrey’s, and he comes across as a straightforward and friendly person. He also overcame his reservations about being accompanied by mandarins (see above), and agreed that I should accompany him.

  The press were fairly critical of his speech to the Economic Club of New York, claiming that he had said nothing new. But the speech went down well with a very prestigious audience of about 800 of New York’s richest Americans. After the speech, John said he wanted to go to the hotel bar ‘to relax and meet some real people’. He admitted that he had been very reserved about my accompanying him to the States, since he (repeat he!) thought the purpose was to keep an eye on him. He seemed genuinely grateful for my help, and particularly for my encouragement. When I congratulated him on his speech, but said: ‘I can’t go on congratulating you like this,’ he replied: ‘I don’t see why not. I like it!’

  His call on President George Bush ranged quite widely over drugs in Colombia, Arab/Israel and Poland; though Bush seemed more preoccupied, and less at ease, than when I had accompanied Geoffrey Howe a year ago. Vice-President Quayle, on the other hand, was again impressive (perhaps in contrast to his earlier reputation), and talked confidently, and well-briefed.

  The working lunch with Jim Baker at the State Department covered a few quite sharp Anglo-American disagreements (e.g. Vietnamese boat people and the broadcasting directive); but John Major handled both subjects well, and visibly impressed the Americans by his grasp of detail when discussing the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) negotiations.

  I skipped the call on Defence Secretary Cheney at the Pentagon in order to have an hour alone with Bob Kimmitt at the State Department – mainly to discuss ways of improving multilateral consultation with Japan, and how to use the Economic Seven without offending French doctrinal objections.

  14 SEPTEMBER 1989

  A DUSs’ meeting today, mainly to prepare for a series of seminars that John Major has agreed to hold at Carlton Gardens on foreign policy, starting with arms control and defence next week, in preparation for the PM’s seminar at Chequers at the end of the month. It will be interesting to see if John Major is any readier than Geoffrey Howe was to allow the FCO to produce think-pieces on the future of the European Community, for example, which Geoffrey discouraged (understandably) in view of the row that papers of that sort were likely to provoke in No. 10.

  The planners have produced a paper on EC enlargement, taking a fairly unorthodox view in favour of extra enlargement, and which has caused a stir in the office. Everyone subscribes to the theory that the planners should produce provocative papers, but always object when they do so on their own subject!

  15 SEPTEMBER 1989

  I called on Lord Brabazon, as the first of my courtesy calls after the break. Not easy, though his private secretary, Robert Court, told Geoffrey Adams afterwards that he did not think his minister had been on top form.

  18 SEPTEMBER 1989

  A good booklet has been published on ‘Britain in Southern Africa’, only spoilt by prominent photographs of Charles Powell with the PM on her African trips. Geoffrey Adams pointed out that, under the rules in No. 10 in my time (whereby we were required to contribute a bottle of wine to the No. 10 bar for every private secretarial photograph that appeared), this should cost Charles several thousand bottles! There is also a nauseating article, with a full-page picture of Charles, accompanying a piece arguing for a Prime Minister’s foreign affairs unit – ‘better value than the £7 billion FCO budget’!

  9 SEPTEMBER 1989

  John Major had his first PESC bilateral today with his successor, Norman Lamont, on the diplomatic wing, the aid wing and the Intelligence Services. No agreement on any of them (predictably). John told me that he didn’t enjoy the experience of gamekeeper-turned-poacher, though he did manage to read Lamont’s brief upside down, and could see what the Treasury’s fallback position was. He thinks we are safe on running costs, but will be cut back hard on programme expenditure.

  At my bilateral with him this afternoon, he showed himself to be very fussed about the pile of work and appointments, and has clearly been giving the private office a hard time, though mainly because he doesn’t feel fully briefed. When discussing his meeting with Genscher in Cologne tomorrow, he asked why he needed to go to a museum with him. I explained that the purpose of his visit was primarily to get on good personal terms with Genscher, given the deep and obvious hostility between Genscher and Margaret Thatcher (who deeply insulted him by some very contemptuous remarks about ‘European Liberals’ in the House of Commons last year).

  Christian Adams, on loan to the DTI in their projects division, took up a longstanding invitation to call on me today. He was reassuring about rumours that the DTI want to take over export promotion from the FCO, adding that Nicholas Ridley, the new Secretary of State, does not believe in export promotion at all!

  20 SEPTEMBER 1989

  Robin Butler told me today that John Major had commented that Douglas Hurd would make a good ambassador in Washington, if he ever gave up the Home Office. When he had commented that Margaret Thatcher might want Charles Powell to do it, John Major has said that that would be another Peter Jay; South Africa would be a much better choice. That is increasingly my own view of how to resolve the problem of Charles Powell’s future.

  21 SEPTEMBER 1989

  Nico Henderson called to discuss a letter I had written him about his memoirs. He is naturally disappointed, both through pride of authorship, and because he thinks his memoirs would reflect well on the service, to whom he owes his loyalty (as opposed to Mrs Thatcher, to whom he owes very little, and of whose policies on Europe he is very critical). He reluctantly conceded that my arguments were well founded, though he contested, with some justification, whether ministers were subject to such strict constraints. But he agrees that he will simply have to put his memoirs aside for several more years, i.e. for the Radcliffe-recommended gap of fifteen years.

  A disturbing letter today from Michael Alexander at NATO, reporting a conversation with Bob Blackwill of the National Security Council, claiming that the PM’s treatment of Mitterrand and Kohl (and their resentment of it) was having a damaging effect on her relationship with President Bush. This touches on the broader question of whether the PM’s apparent lack of commitment to Europe weakens the ‘special relationship’ – a point which was incorporated in the paper prepared for Geoffrey Howe to put to OD just before the reshuffle. I marked Michael’s letter, with his agreement, to John Major, saying I would like a word sometime about it, rather than any covering minute, which would merely have added to the alarming pile of paper waiting in the private office.

  22 SEPTEMBER 1989

  Today was the first of John Major’s seminars at Carlton Gardens – this one mainly to prepare for next Friday’s seminar at Chequers on defence policy, to which to the PM has invited several Americans, which worries John Major, as he thinks it will constrain discussion.

  John Major and I had a private word about Michael Alexander’s letter, and agreed that ways must be found to put the problem to Margaret Thatcher. He is rightly conscious of the need not to appear ‘captured’ by the FCO – he was described in the Daily Express this week as being treated by the PM as her idiot son, without the balm of maternal forgiveness! He is also worried by the impression in the press that he is a Thatcher clone, and asked me if this worried the offic
e. I said that I had been asked by a few people if it was so, and told him, in reply to his question, that I had replied with his own words: that he had come to the FCO with very little foreign affairs experience, and had yet to form his own ideas; but that he had no preconceived attitudes.

  We invited both John and Norma Major to sit at our table at the Diplomatic Service Wives Association ball this evening. John is a non-dancer, because of a leg injury; but he was very shy about leaving early – nicely worried that people would think he wasn’t doing his duty.

  He drew me aside at one point and asked me to be nice to Norma, who was only just coming to realise that the office were actually quite normal people, without horns! She is obviously still finding it all very difficult, and a bit fussed about leaving the children with her mother. But she is going with him to New York for the UN General Assembly next week.

  As a postscript to John Major’s programme on his first day as Foreign Secretary, Rob Young later reminded me that he had accompanied John Major on his call on Sheikh Zayed, armed with a brief and an atlas. As they were shown into the presence, it immediately became clear to Rob (though possibly not to John Major) that Zayed had been told to expect a call from the Foreign Secretary, and was therefore expecting Geoffrey Howe. There was a look of total mystification on Zayed’s face, which John Major may have interpreted as the look which Arab Sheikhs always put on when receiving distinguished visitors, and which nearly reduced Rob to hopeless giggles.