Reconstruction

by Brooks D. Simpson

  In answering this letter please state if there would be any safety for my Milly and Jane, who are now grown up and both good looking girls. You know how it was with poor Matilda and Catherine. I would rather stay here and starve and die if it come to that than have my girls brought to shame by the violence and wickedness of their young masters. You will also please state if there has been any schools opened for the colored children in your neighborhood, the great desire of my life now is to give my children an education, and have them form virtuous habits.

  From your old servant,  JOURDON ANDERSON.

  P. S.—Say howdy to George Carter, and thank him for taking the pistol from you when you were shooting at me.

  LAWLESSNESS AND DISLOYALTY:

  MISSISSIPPI, AUGUST 1865

  Carl Schurz to Andrew Johnson

  Vicksburg, Miss. Aug. 29th 1865.

  To his Excellency Andrew Johnson,

  President of the United States.

  Sir,

  In my report from Montgomery Ala. I laid before you the information I had gathered so far about the condition of things in Alabama. Since then I visited Selma and Demopolis. What I saw and learned there confirmed me in the opinion, that the civil authorities as far as they are or can be reestablished under present circumstances, are entirely incapable of restoring anything like public order and security. The demoralization of the people is frightful to behold in its manifestations. Murder, assault with intent to kill, theft and robbery are matters of every day occurrence. The people seem to have lost all conception of the rights of property. Travellers are frequently attacked on the public highways, cotton is stolen in enormous quantities, horses and mules are run off whenever they are not watched with the utmost care, and the perpetrators are almost never arrested and punished. Some cases of that kind happened almost under my own eyes while I was at Selma. I enclose a report furnished to me by the Provost Marshal at Selma, to which I beg leave to invite your particular attention.

  At Demopolis I received information very much to the same effect, only that murders did not occur so frequently; the Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen at that place, Capt. A. C. Haptonstall, knew only of two bodies of negroes and one of a white soldier that had been thrown into the Black Warrior River and floated down, all three bodies with marks of violence upon them. As to theft and robbery as well as negro-whipping the same practices prevail, as far as I have been able to ascertain, all over the State.

  I beg leave to repeat what I said in my former reports: It is absolutely indispensable that the country should be garrisoned with troops as thickly as possible. There ought to be a company at least in every county. I have not seen Maj. Genl. Woods, comdg the Department of Alabama, so as to converse with him about the matter; I intend to go to Mobile from New. Orleans. I understand, however, that he does nothing with regard to the maintenance of order in the State without being called upon by the civil authorities. The result is apparent. It seems to me, Gov. Parsons, in undertaking to maintain order in the State by the machinery of the civil government, has undertaken a thing which he cannot carry through, and which, I have abundant reason to believe, a good many of his subordinate civil officers are not disposed to carry through. Governor Parson’s own proclamation, of which I sent you a copy in my last, furnishes sufficient evidence of this fact. The Governor himself feels it, although he may not be willing openly to acknowledge it.

  In my letter dated Montgomery Aug. 20th I stated that there was an abundance of troops in the State for all practical purposes, but since then I have learned that a considerable number of regiments is going to be mustered out. This may change the aspect of things. I would suggest that the Commanders of Departments be ordered to furnish the War Department an estimate of the number of troops necessary for garrisoning every county in their respective States and for keeping at the principal points a force adequate to any emergency that is likely to arise. In my opinion it is unsafe to deplete these States too rapidly. We may need more troops three months hence than we do now.

  From Demopolis I went to Meridian and Jackson Miss. I regret to say that I did not succeed in reaching Jackson previous to the adjournment of the Convention. The action of that body is before you. It may be worth while to give you a glimpse of its secret history. In the Committee which was charged with recommending to the Convention some action to be taken with regard to the Ordinance of Secession, two propositions were taken into consideration: one to declare the Ordinance of Secession “repealed”, thus, by implication, declaring the ordinance of secession a lawful act that might be done or undone by the people at pleasure;—and another to declare the Ordinance of Secession “null and void”. The two propositions were discussed distinctly upon the issue of the legality or illegality of secession. The vote in the committee stood seven in favor of “repealing”, and seven in favor of declaring the Secession Ordinance “null and void”. The Chairman of the Committee, Mr. Amos R. Johnson, gave his casting vote in favor of declaring it “null and void” stating as his reason, that the State would not be readmitted if they did adopt another policy. In the Convention he delivered the following opinion: “If we do this, the President and the Copperhead party will be with us to defeat the Black Republicans.”

  Although the Convention had adjourned when I arrived at Jackson I still found some of its most influential members there, and from my conversations with them and with some gentlemen who had closely watched the proceedings of the Convention, I formed the opinion, that the conviction that the rejection of the Secession doctrine and the abolition of slavery in the State were indispensable to secure readmission, was the principal if not the only thing which secured the adoption of these two measures. You will have noticed that the Congressional Amendment to the Constitution was not adopted; the main reason urged against its adoption was that the second section of the Amendment was hostile to State rights.

  It is evident that the action of the Convention with regard to the abolition of slavery is very incomplete in itself, and must necessarily be amplified by laws to be passed by the Legislature to be worth anything. As to the prospective action of the Legislature I abstain from expressing any opinion; that body will soon make a record for itself.

  One important thing, however, I must not omit to state. Most of the members of the Convention were elected on their general merits as to intelligence and character without a full canvass of their opinions on distinct issues; there were but two or three among them that we would call thorough going Union men. Acting upon motives of policy which they appreciated but which the people did not appreciate, they did not dare to submit their action to the people for ratification. A motion to that effect was at once smothered in the Convention and not taken up again. Some of them explained this by saying, that they wanted to avoid all further agitation of the subject, but others confessed openly that they knew they did not represent the people.

  My observations lead me to believe that this is the truth. The people of the State of Mississippi feel with regard to the main problems before them, especially the negro question, as the people of Alabama Georgia and South Carolina do. There is no difference worth mentioning. Some of the more enlightened men are gradually acquiring a more accurate idea of the things that will be required of them, and thus, obeying the impulse from abroad, show a certain progressive spirit. But so far they have not been able to modify or control the brutal instincts of the masses; nor have they shown much courage in boldly facing them. A member of the convention said to a friend of mine: “We dare not say to our people what I now tell you, but we may gradually bring them up to it if we get a chance. Just as soon as the Legislature meets we will try to give the negro the right to give evidence before the Courts etc. But we dare not now come before the people with that sentiment.” If gentlemen like this member succeed again in smuggling themselves into the Legislature, the action of that body will be, if not quite satisfactory, at least to a certain extent progressive. But if the people succeed in securing a true representation, we must look f
or bad results.

  There is far less disorder in this State than in Alabama. I enclose a list of capital offences that came to the notice of the Commander of the northern District of Mississippi, Genl. Osterhaus. From the two other Districts I have received no reports yet. Most of the cases on the list happened before the military occupation of the State was completed. At the present moment this State is more perfectly garrisoned than any of those that I have visited. The consequence is that order is more efficiently preserved, and that crime, even where it could not be prevented, is at least at once traced up and the offenders punished. There is a garrison in every county, and the machinery is in very fine working order. The promptness with which, whenever any crime is committed, the arrest of the perpetrators is effected, shows that the thing can be done if only those whose business it is, are honestly disposed to do it. In Alabama, where the matter is left to the sheriffs, hardly one offender in twenty is caught and brought to justice.

  I enclose a letter addressed to me by Maj. Genl. Osterhaus, giving an account of the condition of things in his command.

  I wish to call your particular attention to what he says about the four murders recently committed in Attala county. That county had been the theatre of gross outrages when the military occupation was effected; the garrison was successful in restoring tranquillity and order. About two weeks ago the regiment to which the garrison belonged, was mustered out, and no sooner was the garrison withdrawn when four murders happened in quick succession, two of white Union men and two of negroes. This fact proves, that a bad spirit was prevailing there, that the garrison succeeded in checking it, and that the withdrawal of the garrison was the signal for a fresh installment of murderous outbreaks. There is evidence at the same time of the spirit of the people and of the efficiency and the necessity of the garrison system.

  You have been informed of Gov. Sharkey’s attempt to reorganize the militia of the State, calling especially upon the young men who had distinguished themselves for gallantry in the rebel service, to take up arms. I have the honor to enclose Gen’l. Osterhaus’ correspondence with Gov. Sharkey and with Department Headquarters about this matter; I enclose also Genl. Slocum’s Genl. Order No. 22 having reference to the same subject. These documents contain so full an account of this whole business that I have but little to add.

  I have made Gov. Sharkey’s acquaintance and have come to the conclusion that he is a good, clever old gentleman, and probably a first class lawyer, but not in the least calculated for the discharge of duties so delicate and so responsible as those pertaining to his present position. He is continually surrounded by a set of old secessionists whom he considers it his duty to conciliate. These men are naturally very anxious to have our forces withdrawn from the State, so as to have it all their own way; and they being anxious, Gov. Sharkey is anxious also. In order to have the U. S. forces withdrawn it was considered advisable that the militia be organized. As a reason for ordering the organization of the militia some outrages committed between Jackson and Big Black are seized hold of, probably perpetrated by some of the same men who are very eager to see the militia organized. Gen. Osterhaus has since arrested some of them, and all the indications point that way. It would seem that, before venturing upon a step of such importance, Gov. Sharkey ought to have felt it his duty to consult with Gen. Slocum, the Commander of the Department, or at least with Gen. Osterhaus, the Commander of the District who had his office in the same building with the Governor and is in daily communication with him. But the Governor did not give the least intimation of his design and suddenly issued his proclamation, a proclamation calling upon rebel soldiers to take matters into their hands because the Union troops had proved inefficient.

  It would be wrong to suppose, however, that Gov. Sharkey is entirely unaware of the difficulties surrounding him; he admits that all the outrages that are committed, are perpetrated upon negroes and Union men; and he said to me in the presence of Genl. Osterhaus that, if the Union troops were withdrawn, the life of no Northern men in Mississippi would be safe. At the same time he is anxious to have the Union troops make room for his militia and told me, he expected to see our forces withdrawn in a very few weeks. Gen. Slocum’s order, aside from repelling the insult thrown into the face of the U. S. forces in this Department by the Governors proclamation, is eminently calculated to restore order and prevent the perpetration of crime in every District of the State. While the organization of the returned rebel soldiers as a State militia would have been the terror of the Union men and negroes, Genl. Slocums policy as set forth in his order, can hardly fail to make Mississippi the quietest State in the South, and I have no doubt it would have a most excellent effect if the same policy were applied to Alabama and Georgia. As to Alabama especially I see no other remedy.

  If it was your policy to place the Governments of the States lately in rebellion into the hands of the Union element of those States, I am sorry to say that this policy has been most completely disregarded in Mississippi. Leaving the union sentiments of Gov. Sharkey out of discussion, I have not been able to learn of a single thorough Union man in this State having been placed in office. But the contrary has been the case. One of the best and most consistent Union men in this State is Judge Houghton. He was one of the Probate Judges. While all the other Judges in the State were reinstated in their functions—I can not hear of a single exception,—Judge Houghton was dropped and in his place Gov. Sharkey appointed Mr. A. B. Smedes, the President of the rebel vigilance committee, whose principal business consisted in dragooning Union men into obedience or running them out of the State. Thus, a Union man was virtually removed from office to make room for one of the most active and odious disloyalists. Gov. Sharkey was applied to by some prominent Union men of Vicksburg to correct this apparent mistake; but it turned out that Gov. Sharkey did not consider it a mistake. He replied that Judge Houghton was incompetent, while Judge Houghton had been elected by the people to the Probate Judgeship for three successive terms. This would seem to speak for his fitness.

  The Secretary of State appointed by Gov. Sharkey as well as one of the Governors two Aids were rebel officers, and it seems generally that if any discrimination is made, it is made in favor of men of rebel antecedents. In his recommendations for appointments to federal offices the Governor seems to have been equally unfortunate. I understand that upon his recommendation Mr. Richard Barnett was appointed postmaster at this place. The same Mr. Barnett was sent out of our lines by Gen. Dana as one of the most prominent and notorious disloyalists of this city, and the members of his family made themselves so obnoxious by their ostentatious manifestations of hatred to the Union, that they were sent out of our lines by Gen. McPherson.—I understand also that on the Governors recommendation Col. Jones Hamilton was appointed United States Marshal for the Southern District. I am informed here by persons who have every opportunity of knowing, and whose statements are considered trustworthy at Department Headquarters, that Col. Hamilton served during the war as a Provost Marshal, a conscripting officer and an officer of the Cotton Bureau on the rebel side. If such men received federal appointments it was not because there were no true Union men in this State,—for I have seen here a sufficient number of gentlemen of unflinching loyalty, good intelligence and respectable standing in society—but because the Governor chose to recommend rebels in preference to Union men.

  I presume it is the desire of the Administration to build up a Union party in the Southern States; but I apprehend this object cannot be attained if the power and patronage connected with federal offices are placed into the hands of late rebels to the discouragement of the true Union element. I have discussed this matter with Gen. Slocum, and the experience he has had in this Department leads him to be decidedly of the same opinion.

  By what I have said I do not mean to impeach Gov. Sharkeys loyalty. I consider him a good, honest, but very weak man who permits himself to be moulded as to his views and policy by those who take hold of him with the greatest energy and assiduity. I
do not see in him the right man in the right place. If the Government should choose to let him remain where he is until a Governor is regularly elected, I would respectfully suggest that he be advised to confine himself strictly within the sphere of duties assigned to him in the proclamation by which he was appointed.

  While writing this report I was called upon by several Union men of this city, who informed me that they would find themselves obliged to sell out what interests they have here, and to leave the place if Genl. Slocum’s order concerning the militia should not be sustained by the Government. I find this feeling to be quite general among the Union people and especially among those who came from the North to invest money and do business here. It seems to me very essential that Genl. Slocums order should be openly approved by the President and the Secretary of War. It would reassure the Union men and the colored people and show the unruly spirits in this region that the Government will not permit them to disturb the public peace with impunity.

  I understand the Government has been memorialized for the withdrawal of the colored troops from this State principally on the ground that their presence is very obnoxious to the people. I have been very careful in forming an opinion as to the policy of garrisoning these States with colored soldiers, and the information I have gathered, leads me to the following conclusions:

  There is one complaint brought against them which has some foundation in fact. Colored soldiers doing duty in the country are sometimes found to put queer notions into the heads of negroes working on the plantations; and their camps are apt to be a point of attraction for colored women. These complaints I heard urged especially in South Carolina. But these difficulties are easily overcome by keeping the soldiers in a strict state of discipline or, in particularly bad cases, by taking the obnoxious individuals out and placing them on duty in the larger depots. I understand, this remedy has worked well in South Carolina; in this State I heard no such complaints at all.