Roanoke

by Lee Miller

  48 Yeardley, Narrative (1911), pp. 25, 27.

  49 S wanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 148; S wanton, Indian Tribes, p. 81.

  50 Those who think the Nottoway were the Mandoag: Mooney, “Siouan Tribes,” p. 7; Binford (“Ethnohistory,” p. 123) postulated an “early” Mandoag who were Tuscarora and a later Mangoak who were Nottoway; Swan-ton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 163; Swanton, Indian Tribes, p. 65; Mook, “Algonquian Ethnohistory”; Tooker (“Discovery,” p. 9) believed that the Mandoag were both Nottoway and Tutelo and that the main portion of the tribe lived at the foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains; Rountree, Pocahon-tas’s People, p. 21; Barbour (“Oeanahowan,” pp. 10, 12) suggested that the Mangoak were Iroquoian Nottoway, while the Mandoag — an entirely separate nation — were Algonquian.

  51 The Nottoway vocabulary was collected by J. Wood in 1820, when it was reported that there were only twenty-seven Nottoway left. As early as 1788, Thomas Jefferson stated that no male Nottoway were alive and that only “a few women” remained; Notes, p. 141; Gallatin, Synopsis, p. 81. That the Nottoway were associated with the Susquehannock, see Swanton, Indian Tribes, p. 65.

  52 See Appendix B.

  53 People who think Meherrin were the Mandoag: Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology (map); Rountree, Pocahontas’s People, p. 21; Feder, Virginia Indian Tribes, p. 28. Ashe (History of North Carolina, 1, p. 86) muddied the water by suggesting that the Meherrin were actually Chowanoc. Binford (An Ethnohistory, p. 105) expressed everyone’s frustration by noting that systematic investigation of both the Meherrin and the Nottoway had been sorely neglected, and that attempts to classify them linguistically had been prone to generalization without adequate citation.

  54 Bland, Discovery, p. 6; Lawson, History of North Carolina (1903), p. 140; Jefferson, Notes (1801), p. 139. For other variations, see Hodge, Handbook, 1, p. 839.

  55 Gallatin, Synopsis, p. 81; Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, v, p. 36, n. 2.

  56 Hale, “Tutelo Tribe and Language”; Sapir, “A Tutelo Vocabulary”; Frachtenberg, “A Tutelo Vocabulary.”

  57 Hodge, Handbook, 1, p. 839; Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 149; Saunders, Colonial Records, 11, pt. 2, p. 643. The fact that the Iro-quoian-speaking Susquehannock merged with the Meherrin is no proof that the latter were Iroquoian, for the Susquehannock also sought refuge among the Siouan Occaneechi and were incorporated for a time with a Siouan town of refugee Monocan (Egerton Mss., pp. 1-3).

  58 According to the Meherrin, their name means “Muddy Water.” Yet I have been unable to find a word meaning “muddy water” that is similar to Meherrin in any Iroquoian language. The Onondaga word for muddy water was supplied by Audrey Shenandoah of the Onondaga Nation; the Mowhawk word for the same was furnished by the Akwesasne Freedom School, Mohawk Nation. The multilingual Iroquoian translators at the Freedom School did not recognize the word Meherrin as belonging to their language or meaning “muddy water.” Linguist Blair Rüdes said that the Tuscarora word for this nation was “dirty water,” or Awe’nehra’r (personal communication). He added that Meherrin could have been derived from the Tuscarora word for “dirt,” or yunehrer. The Siouan derivation outlined here is much more likely and is more consistent with the nation’s own usage and with early English spellings. For Biloxi, see Dorsey and Swanton, Dictionary of Biloxi and Ofo, p. 307. For the Siouan words here; Yeiswa, Waterá here, Sigri here, etc., see Speck, “Siouan Tribes,” pp. 204, 218-21. The conclusion that the word Meherrin is Siouan, supported by other research in progress by the author, suggests that there may need to be a reclassification of the Meherrin as a Siouan nation.

  59 Ibid., p. 215.

  60 “houses are built like ours,” Strachey, Historie (1849), p. 48; “a country called Anone …” Smith, True Relation, p. C2r.

  61 Bland, Discovery, p. 15. Bland located the Shakori fields between Nottoway Creek and Penna Mount River, both branches of the Chowan. This argues for a more easterly location for the Shakori and the Eno than that tradition ally given by historians. Swanton placed the Eno farther west at the headwa ter of the Tar and Neuse, along the Eno River in present Orange and Durham Counties, and in the locale of Enno in Wake County; Indian Tribes, pp. 79, 83; Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 131. He located the Shakori to the east in Franklin, Vance, and Warren Counties along Shocco and Big Shocco Creeks. The Shakori, he admitted, moved so frequently that it was difficult to give their location, noting that they usually kept company with the Eno who, “in marked distinction of their neighbors … had taken to a trading life.” In 1670 Lederer found the Eno living east of the Shakori, and in 1701 Lawson placed their territory so far east that he mistakenly included the Eno in his list of Tuscarora towns. That they were near neighbors of the Tuscarora is evident from the fact that they were at war; Yeardley, Narrative (1911), pp. 27-8. As we have seen, Bland’s account (1650), the earliest available, locates the Shakori old fields near the Nottoway and Meherrin Rivers. Their name in the east is perpetuated, perhaps, by Enfield in Halifax county (east of Shocco Creek). Occoneechee Neck and Occoneechee Creek in Northampton County northeast of Enfield, an area the Occaneechi were not known to inhabit, may possibly be related to the Eno as well. Wiccacon River, a branch of the Chowan, was called Weyanoke Creek as early as 1646. In 171 o John Beverly, for the Virginia government, located the former site of the Weyanoke town on Wicocan Creek; Saunders, Colonial Records, 1, pp. 676, 740.

  62 Yeardley, Narrative (1911), pp. 27-8.

  63 Lawson, History of North Carolina (1903), pp. 30-1. It remains to be determined whether the Coree and the Shakori were related, or perhaps even one and the same. “I know some Indian nations,” Lawson said, “that have changed their settlements many hundred miles. I once met with a young Indian woman that had been brought from beyond the mountains…. She spoke the same language as the Coranine Indians that dwell near Cape Lookout”; ibid., p. 101. The woman, sold as a slave in Virginia, doubtless entered the colony via the Great Trading Path. “Beyond the mountains” may have been no farther away than the Piedmont.

  64 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), pp. 156-7.

  65 Bland, Discovery, p. 6.

  66 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), p. 743.

  67 Ibid., p. 741.

  68 Lederer, Discoveries (1912), p. 141.

  69 Byrd, Dividing Line (1866), p. 188; Journey to Eden (1866), pp. 2-3.

  70 Bowen, America Discovered, pp. 48-9. Jones’s narrative, originally published in the Gentlemans Magazine of London, 1740, has been discounted by the fact that a rash of other “Welsh-Indian” sightings have been claimed for North America, on the order of an urban legend. Be that as it may, word of Welsh-speaking Mandoags should at least excite our interest in light of the new evidence we have uncovered about the Lost Colony. Jones said that the nation that freed him was seated on the Pamlico River, not far from Cape Hatteras. Traditionally, this was Pamlico Nation territory. They were also enemies of the Secotan and might conceivably be called “Mandoag” — treacherous. Jones’s choice of terminology for them, however, implies that an Algonquian speaker among the Tuscarora supplied the term. As it stands, there simply is not enough information available to make full sense of the statement.

  71 Maraña, Letters Writ by a Turkish Spy; Bowen, America Discovered, pp. 44-5. Quinn (Roanoke Voyages, 11, p. 539, n. 1) proposes that there was a Welsh component among White’s company. Certainly Jane, John, and Griffin Jones were Welsh, as perhaps were Wenefrid and Edward Powell. There may have been others.

  72 As recorded by Lane. See Hakluyt, Principal! Navigations (1589), pp. 737-47, for Lane’s references to the Mandoag; S wanton, Indians of the Southeastern as, P. 131.

  73 For slavery, see Lauber, Indian Slavery, pp. 25-44; for Tutelo adoption, see Speck, “Tutelo Rituals.” Skiko himself had been captured by the Mandoag, but escaped. Raleigh’s first Roanoke expedition reported Pamlico slaves among the Secotan who had been captured in war; Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1589), p. 732. See Chapter 24, n. 37, for th
e account of more than a hundred Frenchmen dispersed in the interior among local chiefs. A dispersal theory places the former Lumbee claim of Lost Colony ancestry in a very interesting new light (cf. Barton; McMillan; Weeks). If the Lost Colonists were disseminated along Siouan trade routes, survivors could be expected to be found throughout the interior, among various linguistic groups. The Occaneechi Path itself ran five hundred miles, and connected with other routes linking the coast to the Appalachian Mountains and beyond. This alone explains why later travelers into the interior found no Lost Colony aggregates, but why tales of anomalous individuals and artifacts were frequently reported. For accounts of the favorable treatment of adopted captives, see Demos, Unredeemed Captive, and Jemison, Life of Mary Jemison. European women adoptees, in particular, frequently reported leading very fulfilled lives. Zúñiga informed Philip III in 1612 that Jamestown women were living among the Powhatan and were “received and used kindly by them, and that they wounded a certain zealous minister of their sect for reprehending it”; Brown, Genesis, 11, pp. 632-3. The lives of slaves, however, would have been much different.

  74 My suggested etymology is drawn from words recorded by Hale, “The Tutelo Tribe and Language,” pp. 25, 41, 38, and is supported by Speck’s attempt to translate the first two syllables of Occonichi from the word for “man,” yuhkañ; Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., p. 218. Many thanks to John Koontz and Giulia Oliverio, who reviewed the syntax of my translation. The name would appear in Tutelo as yu:xkan ohon: hi-wa (man many come-wa), ma being an aspect clitic denoting something real to the speaker, including present tense. Although Smith stated that there were Lost Colonists at “Ocanahonan,” the handwritten annotation amended this, saying that they were “6 days’ journey beyond Ocanahonan,” True Relation, B4V.

  75 My suggested etymology is based on comparative analysis with other Al-gonquian languages: for accomae (Powhatan), ogkomé (Massachusett), see TrumbulPs analysis in Hodge, Handbook, I, p. 7; Beauchamp, Indian Names, p. 101. For ma-wig-nack, ibid., p. 93.

  76 For Pe, compare to Pejepscot; cara, see Caratunk; and con, see Taconic; Bond, Native Names of New England, pp. 3, 17, 58, + oc, locative ending. Cree elders of Whapmagoostui verified that the syntax is in accordance with Algon-quian grammatical rules.

  77 Speck, Tutelo Rituals, p. 2.

  78 Strachey calls it Pannawaick (Percy Mss.) and says that this was where stores of salt stones were located. Compare with Natick, in which penowe, peno owe is “foreign, strange, different,” penuwoht, penuwot “foreigner”; Trumbull, Natick Dictionary, pp. 122, 262. A town called “Panauuaioc” is shown south of Secota on White’s map as printed in De Bry, America, 1, pi. i, but does not appear on the surviving copy of White’s original, British Museum, P & D, 1906-5-8-1 (3). De Bry may have been wrong: salt deposits occur at the confluence of the Roanoke and Chowan Rivers in the region of Cashie Creek, but not south along the Pamlico or Neuse; Swanton, Indians of the Southeastern U.S., map 13, facing p. 254.

  79 Clayton, A Journal (1912), pp. 186, 188. The characters were burned into the bark with a live coal.

  80 Francis Magnel reported that the Powhatan possessed knives and iron objects in trade from Indian nations to the west, in the direction of the mountains; Barbour, Jamestown, 1, p. 156.

  81 Waterhouse, A Declaration (1906-35), p. 547.

  26 EPILOGUE

  1 Raleigh, “Farewell to the Court,” lines 9-12.

  2 Hakluyt, Principall Navigations (1600), 111, p. 287.

  3 Lawson, History of North Carolina (1903), p. 34.

  4 Ibid. For 114 years, they had even remembered Raleigh’s name!

  5 Hakluyt, Princip all Navigations (1600), in, p. 288.

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