Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco

by Judy Yung

  Only Flora Belle, the most Americanized of the four women, had difficulties adapting to life in China. Although her husband's salary as a professor provided her and their three children a comfortable lifestyle, Flora was never happy there. Her elder daughter explained:

  The years in Peking were good ones for my father but not particularly for my mother. Mainly because she was an American and she did not like China. She could neither read or write the language.... She thought it [China] was filthy. She boiled everything. She was always interfering in the kitchen because she thought the servants were too dirty for her stan- dards.89

  Flora insisted on speaking English at home, dressing the children in Western clothes and taking them to see American movies, cooking and eating American food, and inviting only English-speaking diplomats, business people, and students to parties that she hosted.

  Compounding her problems was the discrimination she faced as a Chinese American and woman in journalism. Because of her language limitations, she could only seek work with English-language publications. Her letters to Ludmelia were filled with complaints about white male supervisors who treated her unfairly in terms of work assignments, wages, and promotional opportunities. While at the Office of War Information, she wrote:

  My education and previous experience were not considered when I came here. I was given a stenographic test like any China born and I was paid like them. Although after one month of work as a permanent staff member, I was given a $24 raise U.S. because I had shown efficiency. I am still getting a smaller salary than four other girls, two of whom have never been out of China. All around me are staff members who are no older than I, and, who are no better educated, who hold executive positions with four times my salary, good living quarters, and a living allowance. You wonder I am dissatisfied? It is hard to be born a woman but hopeless to be born a Chinese. There is nothing to hold me here. I shall go at an instance's notice.90

  Her life in China proved to her that she was too Americanized ever to fit in. As hardships during the war years took their toll on her and she watched others less worthy reap benefits and rewards because they were white men or because they were women who knew how to flatter the boss, she became more cynical and determined to return home:

  I have become philosophic about life and somewhat of a social recluse. I don't have the acute enthusiasm of my youth, nor the abysmal disappointments. I have learned to control my temper and am generally calm and collected. Often I wonder about what pays off in this mortal world and what price, talent and ability and conscientious effort? Our values are all wrong. What usually counts most is hidden and unrecognized. What pays off is vulgar, shallow, and cheap.... Somewhere, Ludy, there are green hills, calm blue skies, a musical running brook, a cow grazing contentedly on the pasture, and a clean white cottage where peace and goodness dwell. I shall not give up until I find this place on this awesome, other earth. I cannot say when I am coming back to America, but I shall come if it is just to die.91

  In 1949, she finally came home with her two daughters and high hopes of fulfilling her literary aspirations. After a brief visit in Fresno, they went to live with Ludmelia in Yuma, Arizona, where Flora Belle found work as a secretary and spent all her spare time composing at the typewriter. But her health never recovered from the hardships she had suffered in China. A year later, at the age of forty-three, Flora Belle Jan died of high blood pressure and kidney failure. Her children had inscribed on her gravestone: "A journalist and feminist before her time. A talent and beauty extinguished in her prime. Our beloved mother."

  Chinese Americans who could speak Chinese and who were more acculturated in the Chinese lifestyle had an easier time in that country. Rose Hum Lee, for example, felt she had found her niche in China, and she would have stayed except for the war. She had less trouble finding work and adjusting to life in China because her mother had insisted on educating all her daughters and instilling in them a love for China and a deep appreciation for Chinese culture. Like Flora Belle, Rose grew up outside San Francisco-in Butte, Montana. But unlike Flora Belle, Rose was well versed in Chinese language and art. Writing as a sociologist years later, she expressed an understanding of the second generation's mission in China that Flora Belle lacked. China's need for manpower and the discriminatory practices of the dominant American society, she pointed out, had motivated many of the second generation to seek economic improvement and political expression in China. And for the most part, China did not disappoint them.

  Flora Belle Jan in the 1930s. (Courtesy of Flora Belle Jan's daughters)

  The men could effect more rapid social and occupational mobility in China as teachers, professors, foreign firm representatives, minor consular officials, junior executives of foreign branch offices, engineers, doctors, dentists, salesmen, business men, manufacturers, chemists, physicists, etc. The girls could find work in foreign and Chinese firms, government offices, educational institutions, and churches. They lived in better residential areas, often peopled entirely by American-born Chinese and so journers, and could maintain a lifestyle and a standard of living far above that of the local population.92

  Such opportunities were unavailable to them in America. In addition, they were able to enjoy a high social status and sense of belonging in China. When the war against Japan escalated, Rose did her part by organizing emergency social services for refugees and war orphans in Canton and serving as a radio receptor and interpreter of Tokyo broadcasts.

  Upon return to the United States and a booming war economy, second-generation Chinese Americans like her were able to put their experiences in China to good use, achieving occupational mobility and social acceptance. Rose herself continued to help in the war effort, lecturing across the country through the United China Relief Speakers Bureau and participating actively in the American Women's Volunteer Services. With the support of her mother, she went on to college and became the first Chinese American woman to earn a Ph.D. in sociology (from the University of Chicago) and to head a department at an American university (the sociology department at Roosevelt University). At the time of her death in 1964, Rose had earned a national reputation for her pioneering work on urban development and the assimilation experience of Chinese Americans and had just received the Woman of Achievement Award of B'nai B'rith for her contributions to ecumenical cooperation.93

  The work lives of second-generation women attest to the extent of racial and sex discrimination they faced in the labor market and the ways in which they were able to cope. Most accommodated by making the most of their limited circumstances; some went to China for better economic opportunities. Even though discrimination in the work world often stopped them from fulfilling their potential in their chosen occupational fields, Chinese American women managed to earn enough to support themselves and, more often than not, help out their families. At the same time, their work experiences drew them away from the influences of their cultural upbringing at home and further into the public arena, broadening their outlook in life and encouraging them in the direction of American consumerism and modern living.

  A Segregated Social Life

  Second-generation Chinese Americans came of age during a decade of revolutionary change in the country's manners and morals caused by the convergence of postwar prosperity and rebellious youth. The 192.os, known as the modern era of flappers, jazz, and gin, was marked by consumerism promoted by corporate capitalism and social permissiveness, as manifested in the new codes of collegiate dress, leisure activities, and sexual mores. It was considered fashionable for young men to dress in baggy nveeds, knickers, and raccoon coats, while women wore knee-length dresses, flesh-colored stockings, yellow rain slickers, and multicolored bandannas. Commercial advertising and Hollywood films projected a carefree life of fun and pleasure to be found in smoking, drinking, dancing, parties, movies, sports, automobile rides, and free love; necking and petting were condoned. To be a "new woman" in the 19 zos was to hold high the banners of individuality, independence, and self-fulfillment an
d to find emotional satisfaction and intimacy through relationships with men.94 In contrast to the women's suffrage period, feminism was downplayed.

  Despite the apparent laxity, there were racial and class limitations as to who could partake of this carefree lifestyle. Most Chinese Americans could not. Nevertheless, they, like other American adolescents who were influenced by what they saw on the silver screen or read about in the magazines, yearned for the same freedom and excitement in their lives. Chingwah Lee, a second-generation Chinese American, had this to say about his peers:

  They study Chinese and speak English, admire Confucius or adore Jesus, like Chinese literature, art and festivals, but dance to American music, and motor, hike and attend theaters as do the Americans. Never before had they experienced a change in their racial history more dramatic, more drastic, and more significant.95

  Chinese American women, too, wanted to be part of this new social landscape. Janie Chu, also second generation, observed that the Chinese American woman

  gets her knowledge of social America from the "movies," from the street, from what she hears from the girls at service in homes. She wants to be American and she has always a struggle in her mind as to what is right and what is not right in respect to Occidental thinking. She teems with the life that urges on this new generation of Americans. She wants excitement and thrills. She wants to live.96

  At the same time that economic constraints stopped many Chinese American women from responding to the mass media's lure of consumerism, traditional concepts of gender roles and racism also made it difficult for them to partake of this life.97 Although they had rejected the social life and institutions of their parents' generation, they still could not integrate into mainstream society. Traditional ideas about sex segregation further limited their social activities in Chinatown. Like their mothers, they were not allowed to join the male-dominated family and district associations. Political and social organizations started by their male peers, such as the Chinese American Citizens Alliance, Chinese YMCA, and Yoke Choy Club, were also off-limits to them. (The bylaws of the Chinese American Citizens Alliance were not changed to admit women members until 1973.) Although the Chinese YMCA Board of Directors was willing to allow girls from the YWCA to attend monthly socials and Sunday vesper services at the YMCA, they refused their request for use of the gymnasium because board members felt "there would be community criticism having girls use a boys' building on specified nights."98 The Chinese students' clubs in the high schools and colleges were among the few groups to allow coeducational membership. Nor could Chinese women freely integrate into the larger society. Like other Americans, they went to the movies and theaters, attended parties and dances, participated in sports, went hiking and on picnics, but almost all of these activities occurred in a segregated setting. Nevertheless, their social life moved them in the direction of defining a gender role and relationship different from that of their mothers-a definition that was shaped by the influence of assimilation within the limitations imposed by racism and sexism.

  One early sign of their break with tradition-one that even met with community approval-was the staging of Chinatown's first beauty contest in 19 15. Initiated by the Chinese Six Companies, the competition for the title of Chinatown queen emulated the American cultural practice of crowning festival queens. The winner-whoever sold the greatest number of raffle tickets-was to preside over Chinatown celebrations in connection with the Panama-Pacific Exposition. "It wasn't a matter of intelligence or beauty, just popularity," recalled Rose Yuen Ow, one of the contestants. As it turned out, wealthy customers at Tait's Cafe, where she was working, surprised her by sending a $500 check to the Chinese Six Companies in her name. Bedlam broke out. "So they said it wasn't right. So everyone fought about it," said Rose. Her father threatened to call out the tongs to settle the matter, but Rose decided to concede the title of Chinatown queen to Rose Lew. A lavish coronation ball attended by over four hundred Chinese and Western guests was held at the Fairmont Hotel. According to newspaper accounts, the affair was bicultural. The queen and her court dressed in Chinese clothing, while the guests dressed in Western clothing. There was lion dancing as well as dancing to Western music. But so afraid was the queen of further trouble that she did not show up to lead the parade through Chinatown that evening.99

  Despite the mishaps, the event was considered successful, and thereafter it became a tradition in Chinatown to sponsor beauty contests whenever fund-raising needs arose. Although such occasions helped to boost the self-esteem of Chinese American women by offering them a rare opportunity to take center stage in the public arena, beauty contests were clearly a form of sexual exploitation. Totally run by male community leaders, they did little to empower women; rather, Chinese women were simply used as attractive vehicles to draw tourists and money into the community.10° Be that as it may, the fact that Chinese women were encouraged to enter beauty contests indicated a change in attitude toward their public roles in Chinatown.

  Perhaps the most extreme challenge to the status quo came from flappers like Flora Belle Jan, who, living on her own and without parental supervision, didn't think twice about indulging her desires for fashionable clothes and romantic affairs, writing scandalous newspaper columns, and leading an active social life. But even for liberated women like her, racial discrimination limited the social expression of "flapperism." While attending the University of California, Flora Belle was never really part of the flapper movement; she could not join a sorority or date white boys. So she became active in the Chinese Students' Alliance, went to Chinese fraternity parties, competed for the title of Chinatown queen, and dated "Chinatown sheiks," who she said knew how to "shimmy 'Chicago' and tango ... buy candy for the Shebas, take them to the theater, sing them all kinds of `I've got the blues' songs, and do everything else that American sheiks indulge in.""' However, her unconventional writings and behavior were too extreme for Chinatown; social ostracism forced her to consider transferring to the University of Chicago. She wrote to her friend Ludmelia:

  And, Ludie, listen to this-I have been out with so many people for the past few years that I can't help but be known and notorious, and those that I meet now, whom I really care to associate with, feel that I am a friend to too many people, and I cannot be limited to them, so better friendships are impossible. I put this mildly. My reputation, while not at stake, is winked at by many people. I didn't use to care-but I can't help it now. Of course I can never be so wicked as they regard me-but what is the use of virtue when it isn't recognized? Anyway, I am tired of everybody here-and I want to go away to Chicago, where the distractions of the multitude will not hurt me. There I can perhaps write, and become a worthwhile personage. Here-mediocrity and the lowering influence of the masses are harmful. There is no incentive to rise, one has to be like the others or be criticized.102

  Because Flora Belle had grown up in Fresno, where she had been exposed to a broad range of people and experiences, she was more adept at interethnic mixing than her peers in San Francisco. However, a few other young women in San Francisco Chinatown had grown up as Americanized and independent as Flora Belle. Florence Lee Loo, for example, initially led a sheltered life, attending Oriental Public School and Chinese language school. "Not only did I go to Chinese school," she said, "but my mother even had a Chinese tutor come and tutor us three sisters in the Chinese classics. Oh, yes, my identification in Chinese is very strong. We were always taught to be terribly proud of our heritage ... that we are so much more superior than sai vun [Westerners]." Her parents were relatively well off (her father owned a small cigar factory that employed four workers), liberal minded, and willing to indulge some of her fancies. Her mother trusted Florence to always do the right thing. "Because if she forbid nee, she knows I will do it anyway," she added. For instance, she and her sister were allowed to go horseback riding, a rather expensive sport. As she told the story:

  Chinese girls at that time never go horseback riding, but Daisy and I, we went horseback riding becau
se one summer, we all had the flu, and the doctor said, go to the country to recuperate. So we went to Fairfax. At that time, it was not developed at all. And then we got a cabin and it was very inexpensive. Nearby was a stable for the cowboys and they taught us how to ride. So when we came back to San Francisco, my, I really splurged [claps her hands gleefully]. I went to Magnin's and bought myself a hauberk and boots. That time it was very expensive. But I said, I don't care. I put every cent into my britches and we went riding in Golden Gate Park.

  Not only were the Lee sisters the only Chinese Americans to go horseback riding, but they were also probably among a handful who could afford to vacation in Fairfax and shop at Magnin's department store downtown. While in high school Florence was also allowed to go hiking, swim, and play tennis, and she went out dancing until two or three o'clock in the morning. Aside from having liberal, middle-class parents, Florence also attributed her active social life to having worked outside Chinatown. "I went to work at this tearoom after school," she said. "All the cus tourers were very, very sweet to me. And I'm an outgoing person anyway, so I got along with lots of them. And they would invite me home for lunch and tea and things like that. And so, I had a glimpse of another part of society besides my own."103

  Christianity also played an important role in acculturating Chinese girls to American life and middle-class values. Compared to that of Flora Belle Jan and Florence Lee Loo, the social life of most Chinatown daughters was quite circumscribed. Adherence to traditional gender roles was constantly enforced by protective parents and reinforced by the watch- fiil eyes of an insular community. Most of their time and energy was taken up by school and work, with little left for play. As proper young women, they were not allowed out unescorted, nor could they socialize with boys; dating was out of the question. Participation in Christian activities, however, was considered wholesome and safe and was permitted even by non-Christian parents. Indeed, the churches were the first institutions to provide services to the second generation, including Sunday school, Chinese school, shelters for the homeless, boarding homes for working girls, and organized recreational activities."'