Lend Me Your Ears: Great Speeches in History
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In case of a forced retreat of Red Army units, all rolling stock must be evacuated; to the enemy must not be left a single engine, a single railway car, not a single pound of grain or a gallon of fuel.
Collective farmers must drive off all their cattle and turn over their grain to the safekeeping of state authorities for transportation to the rear. All valuable property including nonferrous metals, grain, and fuel which cannot be withdrawn must without fail be destroyed.
In areas occupied by the enemy, guerrilla units, mounted and foot, must be formed; diversionist groups must be organized to combat enemy troops, to foment guerrilla warfare everywhere, to blow up bridges, roads, damage telephone and telegraph lines, and to set fire to forests, stores, and transports.
In occupied regions conditions must be made unbearable for the enemy and all his accomplices. They must be hounded and annihilated at every step and all their measures frustrated….
Comrades, our forces are numberless. The overweening enemy will soon learn this to his cost. Side by side with the Red Army and Navy thousands of workers, collective farmers, and intellectuals are rising to fight the enemy aggressor. The masses of our people will rise up in their millions. The working people of Moscow and Leningrad already have commenced to form vast popular levies in support of the Red Army.
Such popular levies must be raised in every city which is in danger of an enemy invasion; all working people must be roused to defend our freedom, our honor, our country—in our patriotic war against German fascism….
All our forces for the support of our heroic Red Army and our glorious Red Navy!
All the forces of the people—for the demolition of the enemy!
Forward, to our victory!
President Franklin D. Roosevelt Asks Congress to Declare War on Japan
“Yesterday, December 7, 1941—a date which will live in infamy….”
FDR drafted this brief, formal speech to the Congress himself, relying on his speechwriters at the time, Robert E. Sherwood and Samuel I. Rosenman, to work on a longer radio speech to the American people the following night. The use of a date to start, similar to Lincoln’s Gettysburg reference to a number of years, showed solemn deference to the historic nature of the occasion. In Roosevelt’s first draft, the opening line read, “…a date which will live in world history, the United States was simultaneously and deliberately attacked”; he crossed out “world history” and inserted the less familiar but much stronger “infamy” and crossed out “simultaneously” to substitute “suddenly,” again a stronger word. His adviser Harry Hopkins suggested the addition of some reference to the Deity (as Salmon Chase suggested to Lincoln, reviewing a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation), and FDR inserted the sentence “So help us God.”
The salutation contains an error. The vice-president of the United States, when he sits in the Senate as its president, is properly addressed by the president of the United States as “Mr. President,” not as “Mr. Vice President.” And grammarians would prefer “a date that will live in infamy,” but it was a tense moment in a busy time.
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MR. VICE-PRESIDENT, Mr. Speaker, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives: Yesterday, December 7, 1941—a date which will live in infamy—the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent American message. And, while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.
Last night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam.
Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island.
And this morning the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has therefore undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As commander in chief of the army and navy I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense, that always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people, in their righteous might, will win through to absolute victory.
I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph. So help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire.
General Montgomery Takes Command and Draws the Line at El Alamein
“Here we will stand and fight; there will be no further withdrawal…. If we can’t stay here alive, then let us stay here dead.”
The British Eighth Army, whose troops called themselves “the Desert Rats,” were being driven out of North Africa in the summer of 1942 by the German forces under the inspired command of General Erwin Rommel. The British troops were dispirited; the officers demoralized; the defensive war was being lost.
On August 13, 1942, the new commander, Lieutenant General Bernard Law Montgomery—“Monty” he was called—gathered his officer corps in Cairo, pointed to a place on the map and stated, “The defense of Egypt lies here at Alamein….” The general was sure of himself; he spoke in declarative sentences; he used “I” frequently. “I don’t want any doubters in this party.” The purpose of the speech was to instill confidence, and he made his point by pointing to it: “The great point to remember is that we are going to finish with this chap Rommel once and for all.”
The staccato style and supremely confident tone of this speech could be emulated by any newly appointed CEO hired to turn around a failing company. It is bombastic, arrogant, but not profane. In this last his oratory differed from that of American Lieutenant General George S. Patton, who would exhort his soldiers in this way: “You can thank God,” said “Old Blood and Guts,” “that twenty years from now when you’re sitting by the fireside with your grandson on your knee, and he asks you what you did in the war, you won’t have to shift him to the other knee, cough, and say, ‘I shoveled shit in Louisiana.’”
The Montgomery style, in both military tactics and rhetoric, was less earthy and more carefully prepared than Patton’s. He uses slang: in promising “to hit Rommel and his army for six,” he employed a B
riticism for “to vanquish.”
At El Alamein, Monty launched his counteroffensive after pounding the enemy with the heaviest artillery barrage in military history; his victory was one of the turning points of World War II. Two years later, in a message to his troops before the Allied invasion in Normandy, he expressed himself in a sentence with Churchillian sweep: “To us is given the honor of striking a blow for freedom which will live in history, and in the better days that lie ahead men will speak with pride of our doings.”
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I WANT FIRST of all to introduce myself to you. You do not know me. I do not know you. But we have got to work together; therefore we must understand each other, and we must have confidence each in the other. I have only been here a few hours. But from what I have seen and heard since I arrived I am prepared to say, here and now, that I have confidence in you. We will then work together as a team; and together we will gain the confidence of this great army and go forward to final victory in Africa.
I believe that one of the first duties of a commander is to create what I call “atmosphere,” and in that atmosphere his staff, subordinate commanders, and troops will live and work and fight.
I do not like the general atmosphere I find here. It is an atmosphere of doubt, of looking back to select the next place to which to withdraw, of loss of confidence in our ability to defeat Rommel, of desperate defense measures by reserves in preparing positions in Cairo and the Delta.
All that must cease.
Let us have a new atmosphere.
The defense of Egypt lies here at Alamein and on the Ruweisat Ridge. What is the use of digging trenches in the Delta? It is quite useless; if we lose this position we lose Egypt; all the fighting troops now in the Delta must come here at once, and will. Here we will stand and fight; there will be no further withdrawal. I have ordered that all plans and instructions dealing with further withdrawal are to be burned, and at once. We will stand and fight here.
If we can’t stay here alive, then let us stay here dead.
I want to impress on everyone that the bad times are over. Fresh divisions from the UK are now arriving in Egypt, together with ample reinforcements for our present divisions. We have three hundred to four hundred new Sherman tanks coming and these are actually being unloaded at Suez now. Our mandate from the prime minister is to destroy the Axis forces in North Africa; I have seen it, written on half a sheet of notepaper. And it will be done. If anyone here thinks it can’t be done, let him go at once; I don’t want any doubters in this party. It can be done, and it will be done: beyond any possibility of doubt.
Now I understand that Rommel is expected to attack at any moment. Excellent. Let him attack.
I would sooner it didn’t come for a week, just give me time to sort things out. If we have two weeks to prepare we will be sitting pretty; Rommel can attack as soon as he likes after that, and I hope he does.
Meanwhile, we ourselves will start to plan a great offensive; it will be the beginning of a campaign which will hit Rommel and his army for six right out of Africa.
But first we must create a reserve corps, mobile and strong in armor, which we will train out of the line. Rommel has always had such a force in his Africa Corps, which is never used to hold the line but which is always in reserve, available for striking blows. Therein has been his great strength. We will create such a corps ourselves, a British Panzer Corps; it will consist of two armored divisions and one motorized division; I gave orders yesterday for it to begin to form, back in the Delta.
I have no intention of launching our great attack until we are completely ready; there will be pressure from many quarters to attack soon; I will not attack until we are ready, and you can rest assured on that point.
Meanwhile, if Rommel attacks while we are preparing, let him do so with pleasure; we will merely continue with our own preparations and we will attack when we are ready, and not before.
I want to tell you that I always work on the Chief of Staff system. I have nominated Brigadier de Guingand as Chief of Staff Eighth Army. I will issue orders through him. Whatever he says will be taken as coming from me and will be acted on at once. I understand there has been a great deal of “bellyaching” out here. By bellyaching I mean inventing poor reasons for not doing what one has been told to do.
All this is to stop at once.
I will tolerate no bellyaching.
If anyone objects to doing what he is told, then he can get out of it: and at once. I want that made very clear right down through the Eighth Army.
I have little more to say just at present. And some of you may think it is quite enough and may wonder if I am mad.
I assure you I am quite sane.
I understand there are people who often think I am slightly mad; so often that I now regard it as rather a compliment.
All I have to say to that is that if I am slightly mad, there are a large number of people I could name who are raving lunatics!
What I have done is to get over to you the “atmosphere” in which we will now work and fight; you must see that that atmosphere permeates right through the Eighth Army to the most junior private soldier. All the soldiers must know what is wanted; when they see it coming to pass there will be a surge of confidence throughout the army.
I ask you to give me your confidence and to have faith that what I have said will come to pass.
There is much work to be done.
The orders I have given about no further withdrawal will mean a complete change in the layout of our dispositions; also, we must begin to prepare for our great offensive.
The first thing to do is to move our HQ to a decent place where we can live in reasonable comfort and where the army staff can all be together and side by side with the HQ of the Desert Air Force. This is a frightful place here, depressing, unhealthy, and a rendezvous for every fly in Africa; we shall do no good work here. Let us get over there by the sea where it is fresh and healthy. If officers are to do good work they must have decent messes, and be comfortable. So off we go on the new line.
The Chief of Staff will be issuing orders on many points very shortly, and I am always available to be consulted by the senior officers of the staff. The great point to remember is that we are going to finish with this chap Rommel once and for all. It will be quite easy. There is no doubt about it.
He is definitely a nuisance. Therefore we will hit him a crack and finish with him.
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher Acts to Defend the Falkland Islands
“Let us, then, draw together in the name, not of jingoism, but of justice.”
Britain’s first female Prime Minister, and the person who served longest (1979–90) in 10 Downing Street in the twentieth century, Margaret Thatcher made her mark as an unswerving conservative (“This lady’s not for turning,” she said, in a play on “The lady’s not for burning”) and as an unapologetic nationalist. Asked to select her three most memorable speeches, she chose a 1988 speech in Bruges setting out her views on the European community; a 1984 speech to a Conservative party conference at Brighton following an IRA bomb attack; and a speech on May 26, 1982, to a Conservative Women’s conference in the early stages of the campaign to liberate the Falkland Islands after their invasion by Argentina, which long called them the Malvinas and considered them Argentine. That Falklands speech is the one reprinted almost in its entirety here because it best reflects the Thatcher style: modified Churchillian, resolute but not ringing, stubborn but sensible. Her concluding words are based on the final lines of Shakespeare’s King John.
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…IN A SERIES of measured and progressive steps, over the past weeks, our forces have tightened their grip of the Falkland Islands. They have retaken South Georgia. Gradually they have denied fresh supplies to the Argentine garrison.
Finally, by the successful amphibious landing at San Carlos Bay in the early hours of Friday morning, they have placed themselves in a position to retake the islands and reverse the illegal Argentine invasion.
There have, of course, been tragic losses. You will have heard of the further attacks on our task force. HMS Coventry came under repeated air attack yesterday evening and later sank. One of our merchant marine ships, the Atlantic Conveyor, supporting the task force, was also damaged and had to be abandoned. We do not yet know the number of casualties, but our hearts go out to all those who had men in these ships.
Despite these grievous losses, our resolve is not weakened….
It was eight weeks ago today that information reached us that the Argentine fleet was sailing towards the Falklands.
Eight thousand miles away…. At that stage there were only two ways of trying to stop it—through President Reagan, whose appeal to Argentina was rebuffed, and the United Nations, whose plea was also rejected.
There were those who said we should have accepted the Argentine invasion as a fait accompli. But whenever the rule of force as distinct from the rule of law is seen to succeed, the world moves a step closer to anarchy.
The older generation in this country and generations before them have made sacrifices so that we could be a free society and belong to a community of nations which seeks to resolve disputes by civilized means.
Today it falls to us to bear the same responsibility.
What has happened since that day, eight weeks ago, is a matter of history—the history of a nation which rose instinctively to the needs of the occasion.
For decades, the peoples of those islands had enjoyed peace—with freedom, with justice, with democracy.
That peace was shattered by a wanton act of armed aggression by Argentina in blatant violation of international law. And everything that has happened since has stemmed from that invasion by the military dictatorship of Argentina.