Citadel: Troy Rising II

by John Ringo

  The flip side was that they would have to be able to hold the gate area long enough to transport through to Wolf to attack Granadica and the mine. Tyler was banking on Troy being able to prevent that.

  "Earth has more than enough power," Tyler said. "There's hydro, nuclear, coal . . . ​ I'm going to discontinue the civilian power plant program and shift all the material to you. Get the twin up."

  "Okay," Granadica said.

  "And when you have the twin up," Tyler said. "Start on another. When the second one is done, we'll move the first into the Troy. And so on and so forth. I think that's the best pattern we can plan for now."

  "How many battlestations are you going to make?" Kelly asked.

  "Depends on how long the war lasts. Speaking of war. We've got a bunch of damaged but possibly salvageable ships in the Sol system. I'm thinking about pulling them through to here and having you work on them in your spare time."

  "I don't have a lot of spare time," Granadica pointed out.

  "I'll get some people in here," Tyler said, grimacing. Finding good space engineers was like pulling hen's teeth. Among other things, most of them were going into the Navy and with stop-loss they weren't coming out. Problem to fix later. "What's the status on the gas mine?"

  "All the parts are produced," Granadica said. "I've shifted my production schedule to producing construction bots. They're starting installation of the main processors and weaving of the pipes."

  "Okay," Tyler said, nodding. "That's next on the agenda."

  "Well, we have a refreshing change in the interstellar situation," the Secretary of State said.

  "That sounds like good news," the President said. "I could use some good news."

  Even though, for once, an attack through the gate had not dropped KEWs all over the Earth, the economy and society were just a shambles. Between the destruction of capitals and the breakdown in international security, whole swathes of the planet were failed states. Just keeping the flow of oil, still a vital strategic commodity even with the improving technology, required three divisions deployed in the Middle East. They weren't so much there to fight terrorists anymore as to make sure the "legitimate" governments were able to keep the oil pumping.

  The government, especially the states, was just starting to get a handle on the effect of the Johannsen Virus. Women were, and the president dearly hoped continued to be, a vital part of the American economy. Their entry into the workforce in large numbers started with World War II, the last time the US tried to go to full war production footing.

  Maternity leave was, to say the least, cutting into productivity. And the teen pregnancy rate was hammering education for women. A girl might still go to high school with one child. By the time it got to three, she was mostly out of school, and the workforce, for the foreseeable future.

  Congress, responding to the reality of their constituent's positions, had increased the child tax credit. A family earning $50,000 with four children, which was starting to be just about median condition, paid essentially zero taxes. Which made an already difficult budgetary situation impossible.

  The one bright spot was that with industry damaged across the globe and the baby boom just starting to reach productive age, the US was, once again, an industrial powerhouse. Most of the industry that had been destroyed in the bombardments was "legacy" industry that had needed to change to more modern techniques. Over the decades before the bombardments, more and more factories were going in to areas where labor was cheaper and easier to deal with than in the Rust Belt. Which meant that whereas China, Japan and Europe had lost most of its production to the Horvath bombardments, the US, with most of its new capacity dispersed into cheap, relatively rural or small city areas, primarily in the South, had come out with more functional production than the rest of the world combined.

  "Oh, it's not good," the Secretary of State said. "It's refreshing. We actually have a declaration of war."

  "By the Horvath?" the President said, sighing. "How many more ships do they have to lose to get the picture?"

  "Not the Horvath, Mr. President," State said. "The Rangora."

  "Oh, hell," the President said, hanging his head in his hands.

  "They are activating their mutual defense treaty with the Horvath."

  "Against the US?" the President asked. "Makes sense. We're the only ones fighting."

  Every other major country in the world was working on space war ships. But the US, due in great part to its continued production of heavy warships over the years, was the master of the complex task of "systemology." Systemology meant getting everything in a large and complex piece of hardware, such as a warship, to work together as seamlessly as possible.

  It wasn't a field that was well understood. The people that worked in it had finally started to adapt terms from the software industry to explain their jobs to family and friends. The "platforms," vessels from fleet oilers to supercarriers, were hardware. But to get that hardware to work properly it needed "software," people, who could move around and do their jobs without conflict. And "legacy" software, people who had spent years in the environments, the NCOs and senior officers of the Navy, were critical to keeping the whole system running.

  Running a warship was a dance and the dance depended upon the three-dimensional nature of the dance-floor, the ship, and the dancers, the people. It also depended on more than one platform. A Carrier Vessel Battle Group required support from shore, generally delivered by the Carrier Onboard Delivery planes, another structure, as well as oilers and even repair ships. And all the structures, carriers, Aegis cruisers, frigates, fast attack subs, each had to be designed to work not only as ships but as warships.

  After WWII, the only major superpowers in the world were the US and the Soviet Union. They were the only countries with the need, funding and resolve to make major platforms. And Russia had never been a major seapower. It tried to catch up throughout the Cold War but the best it could do was some subs that were a fraction of the ability of US subs. It never was able to field a supercarrier.

  The US also had one of the most robust space industries in the world. For all the "international" aspects of the ISS, if it hadn't been for treaties and basically being a nice guy, most of the ISS module would have been better produced in the US. The Russians had some good, robust, space tech. But the reason it had to be robust was that its quality control sucked.

  Thus whereas the US had managed to field not only nine Constitution class cruisers but six, so far, Independence class frigates, and the Troy, the only other country to make a functioning warship was Britain which had fielded a single Clarke class corvette. It was working on a Churchill class cruiser, equivalent to the Connies in ability, but was running into constant snags.

  The US had, for years, been called the World's Policeman. Now it was, in addition, the only hoplite standing at the gate. This had caused some angst in the international community, especially with Russia and China, because instead of the Horvath holding the orbitals, the US now held them.

  It was causing more angst with the American electorate because they saw the US, arguably, as the only country that was defending the planet. And they were the only people paying for it. Troy, alone, had already cost $68 billion and the budget for next year was another $148 billion. With the current make-up of Congress the question was not "Is Troy worth it?" Everyone agreed having a defender at the gate was a good thing, one heck of a lot better than more gutted cities or another damned plague, and Troy seemed to be the best bet. What was being asked was "Why are we the only people paying for it? And why are we the only country providing Marines and sailors to man it?"

  "No, it's against Terra," State said. "Then it goes on to list the ‘top fifteen tribal groups' which are definitely included. We, of course, top the list but there's something in there for everybody. Russia, China, India, Great Britain, Germany, France, Brazil, Argentina . . . ​ They even include Peru and Chile for some reason."

  "Doesn't Apollo have a lot of civilian contractors
from South America?" the President asked.

  "Ah," State said, nodding. "That explains it. They also are cutting off all communication through E Eridani. No ships, including ‘neutral' shipping such as Glatun, no hypercom."

  "We're on our own," the President said.

  "Yes, Mr. President."

  "So does that mean we can expect Rangora ships coming through the gate?" Kelly asked.

  Tyler looked at the missive he'd received and shrugged.

  "Who knows?" the tycoon said, leadenly. "We already have Rangora ships coming through the gate. They were just their old ones and squidded by Horvath. The big problem is, this is effectively a fuel embargo. We can't power our plants without helium. And we can't produce enough helium to fuel the fleet, much less all the support ships and Troy. No collimeter production, no laser welders, no mirror production. And we haven't replaced all the mirrors the Horvath just trashed. I'm not sure we have enough helium to finish the gas mine. And the government is going to want it for terrestrial power plants."

  "Their closure of coal and nuclear plants does appear short-sighted," Granadica said. "There is an additional problem."

  "I really don't need to hear," Tyler said. "But go ahead."

  "I am, in fact, quite low on fuel," Granadica said. "We were expecting our delivery next week. I am about two weeks from being out of power."

  "I need to think," Tyler said, getting up and walking to the door. "I also need to do something I hate."

  "What?" Kelly asked.

  "Talk to politicians."

  "We were at peace before you American cowboys unilaterally declared war on the Horvath!"

  The way that summits usually worked was that lower-level functionaries met for months beforehand to set out the agenda and decide what their bosses were going to say to each other. Then the bosses shook hands, signed the agreements and had a photo op showing what great good friends their countries were.

  When one of the most powerful empires in the local region declares war on the whole planet, some of the diplomatic niceties get cut. The group had almost managed to get through the smiling photo-op before the President of Burundi, just about the only remaining functional sub-Saharan country other than South Africa, got into a fight with the French Prime Minister over covert French support for a Hutu rebellion.

  "I seem to remember something about a plague that killed a billion people before we declared war," the POTUS said.

  "What do you call The Maple Sugar War?" the French Prime Minister shouted. "Paris was standing before you idiots provoked the Horvath! And now we're at war with the Rangora because of you!"

  "Would you have preferred forty Horvath ships in our orbitals?!"

  "They weren't bombing our cities before you went to war!"

  "Excuse me," the Premier of China said. "I must point out that we did not care for the loss of Shanghai."

  "Since this has already descended into a shouting match," the British Prime Minister said. "I think it useful to put this on the table. Negotiated surrender. The Horvath are simply impossible. They don't seem to understand the concept of negotiated agreements. The Rangora are, it is understood, somewhat more civilized. Surrender to the Rangora with the agreement that the Horvath are not involved."

  "You're actually advocating that?" the President of the United States asked, horrified.

  "I am simply putting it on the table," the Brit said. "Someone will eventually." He carefully did not look at the French Prime Minister. Everyone else avoided his eye as well.

  "This would cause great internal difficulty," the Premier of China said. "China does not greatly care for foreign domination."

  "Out of the question," the President of Burundi said. "As long as we can avoid being a colony we should fight."

  The POTUS almost said "What's this we stuff, black man?" but managed to hold his tongue. Burundi had enough problems at the moment. Landlocked, every country around it was effectively a failed state and much of the rest of the continent was depopulated. Kenya, Burundi and South Africa were pretty much it for Africa post-plague.

  "India has had its experience of being a colony," the Indian Prime Minister said, smiling slightly. "We politely decline the concept."

  "Nein," the Prime Minister of Germany said, somberly. "There are arguments, but it would not be accepted by the German people."

  "Anybody in favor?" the POTUS asked, looking at the French Prime Minister.

  "We are all mad," the Prime Minister muttered.

  "Was that We or Oui?" the President asked, confused.

  "I suggest a short recess," the British Prime Minister said. "So that we can discuss in a less formal setting the task before us."

  THIRTEEN

  "Tell me you can speed things up," Tyler said.

  Byron Audler was a mechanical engineer with a background in ship design and construction. He'd worked on the Constitution project prior to being hired by Tyler as the manager of the Wolf gas mine project.

  "Be nice," Byron said, looking at the figures. "Problem being, I'm not sure where to get the power to speed things up. We were expecting . . ."

  "A delivery next week," Tyler said. "I heard. I've been taking a look at the data. There aren't any major stocks. The plants run by the power companies were running on ‘just in time' deliveries to cut down on inventory. Troy has about enough for a month. Granadica is down to two weeks."

  "Can Granadica fab some temporary processors?" Byron said. "We can put them right on the lower plate. There's He3 in the atmosphere at that level. Not much, but it's something."

  "That's a possibility," Tyler said. "Look at it. I've cut the production on the twin for the time being. What you need is first priority. I'm going to head back to Earth to talk to the powers-that-be about stopping all terrestrial use until we're up."

  "I think they're going to be a bit too busy to talk," Byron said. "Big summit and all."

  "I'll crash it if I have to."

  "You really threw the fox in the chicken coop with bringing up surrender," the POTUS said.

  The leaders of the top fifteen nations by economic and military power were, unusually, feeding themselves off of a buffet table. The agreement was that this was going to be a summit, not a display of who had the most able aides. They all knew that no one person knew enough to make every decision without input. But the rough draft of what an interstellar war was going to look like had to come from the leadership. Then they'd see if they could get their individual countries to go along.

  "If I had not, the French would have used the whole meeting to slowly wear away at everyone," the British Prime Minister said. William Dasher was the first Tory Prime Minister of Britain since Margaret Thatcher. The Tory Party had practically renamed itself the War Party and it held a solid majority of the House of Commons based on a "Security First" campaign. In that, he was not far different from the POTUS.

  William McMurry, former Governor of Oklahoma, was an OIF veteran with a degree in history and international law. He wasn't about to consider either surrender or compromise with the Horvath. He knew history. Including recent history.

  "As they are still attempting." Dasher gestured with his chin at the French Prime Minister who had button-holed the Russian President.

  "Think he's going to make much headway?" the President asked.

  "No," the Prime Minister said. "But for some very interesting reasons . . ."

  "You have been reading the same reports I have been reading, ja?" the German said.

  "Eavesdropping, Hans?"

  Hans Adler was from the Center-Right German Security Party. The, many, European detractors of the GSP often used a stiff-armed salute when it was mentioned. The GSP was in favor of withdrawal from the EU absent a unified military force and had increased military spending for the first time in three decades. Much of it at the expense of treasured domestic programs. The compulsory civil service, which for decades had had "draftees" working in retirement homes, was now compulsory military service again.

  The GSP
made the French somewhat nervous to say the least.

  "Including myself in the conversation," Adler said. "The Johannsen reports are what you are discussing?"

  "I was about to," Dasher replied.

  "What's Johannsen got to do with it?" the POTUS asked. "As I understand it, the Glatun vaccines make us pretty resistant to any more bugs."

  "But the effect remains," the Hans replied. "And grows and grows," he added with a growl.

  "Younger populations, William," Dasher said. "You know the McDonald's theory of warfare?"

  "No two countries with a McDonalds will go to war," McMurry replied. "It's been pretty thoroughly disproven. Bosnia comes to mind."

  "The effect held for some time," Adler said. "The reason was poorly understood."

  "Most democracies of the period when it was proposed were relatively old," Dasher said. "They had had their baby-booms in the '50s and '60s. By the time the theory was proposed, the median age had risen."

  "Young societies fight," McMurry said, nodding. "That's what you meant by Johannsen's. That report I've seen but it was a different thrust."

  "The French have not had the same population boom as many of us," Adler said, shrugging in a most Gallic fashion. "Not so many blondes. They remain very pacifist. As may be said for Greece, Italy and Spain."

  "The Russians are growing like a yeast infection," McMurry said, rubbing his chin. "Scandinavia, eastern Europe in general. Not Japan, though."

  "The Japanese do not take well to having their cities destroyed," Dasher said, dryly. "They also do not surrender easily."

  "It is worthwhile to keep in mind that Russia, France and China have long been in a loose alliance to check American power," Adler said. "Russia is growing, yes. But it is, shall we say, less responsive than some to popular wishes."