In the Hour of Victory

by Sam Willis

  The Dispatches

  There are more dispatches for this battle than for any other and by some margin. No less than 147 pages of the 300-page volume are dedicated to the dispatches produced in the aftermath of 1 June. Three explanations suggest themselves. First, the battle was far longer than any other. Its name is actually misleading: The First of June was the third of three major actions fought over a five-day period. There were also significant clashes on both 28 and 29 May, both of which are described, together with the events of 30 and 31 May. Second is Howe’s particular dispatch technique. As can be seen from his letter dated 2 June (p. 48), he was extremely reluctant to offer any opinion about the behaviour of British captains in those numerous areas of the several battles which he did not himself witness. To solve the problem he enclosed with his own dispatches a significant number of other reports, including lengthy dispatches from his subordinate flag-officers. The dispatches from The First of June are unique in this respect. No other battle is described in so many different accounts from so many different perspectives and in so many different ways. And third, there is Howe’s work ethic. He was a man of immense industry, both as a sailor and as an administrator, and his work was always coloured by great professional pride and an eye for detail. He therefore sent to the Admiralty the documents that he would have liked to have read in their situation. And that meant everything.

  Rear-Admiral G. Montagu to P. Stephens, 3 June 1794

  This letter from George Montagu was the first hint that the much-anticipated battle with the French had finally happened. It was written aboard Montagu’s flagship, the Hector, as she lay in Plymouth Sound on 3 June, two days after the main battle and a week after the two fleets’ first contact. Montagu was in Plymouth because he had been forced to abandon his search for the convoy in Biscay and revictual his ships. So while news of the engagement was good news for the Admiralty, it was not good news for Montagu. If his estimate of the size of the French fleet, 30, was correct, then Howe’s fleet of 26 would have been outnumbered and his force of six 74-gunners could have made all the difference. Had Montagu’s decision to return home left his Admiral outnumbered in the face of the enemy?

  The letter is typical of the way that news trickled through to the Admiralty. It is vague, comes third-hand and relates to only one part of an engagement that lasted several days. Montagu has not seen the battle, but has heard news of it from Captain Curzon of the Pallas who has, in turn, heard news of it from Captain Parker of the Audacious. Montagu has nothing at all to add to Curzon’s account other than the fact that the enemy fleet consisted of 30 ships, which was wrong.8 This letter has very little to say but, with the benefit of hindsight, it is particularly powerful because this rather loose report heralded such an extraordinary period of British victory. Indeed, when news first arrived, nothing was certain. At this early stage, ignorance grew faster than knowledge.

  HECTOR IN PLYMOUTH SOUND 3D June 1794

  Sir,

  Be pleased to mention to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that His Majesty’s Ship Pallas joined me this morning & that the Honble Captain Curzon reports having fell in last Evening off the Lizard with the Audacious belonging to the Fleet under the Command of the Earl Howe & that he had received from Captain Parker the Intelligence which I now transmit for the information of their Lordships, esteeming it of sufficient Importance to have it forwarded to you by Express. The Audacious is gone on for Portsmouth, the Wind being too scanty to allow of her fetching this port. I beg also to add to the Intelligence, that Captain Parker relates that the Enemy’s Fleet consisted of Thirty Sail of the Line.

  I am

  Sir

  Your most obedient humble servant

  Geo Montagu

  PHILIP STEPHENS ESQR SECRETARY ADMIRALTY

  Montagu enclosed Curzon’s brief account of Parker’s engagement, which made it clear that there had been a significant battle. He described an engagement fought ‘in the closest manner’ by the Audacious; a Frenchman’s mizzen mast, main yard, main topsail yard and fore yard being shot out of the sky; a near-collision as the crippled Frenchman surged towards the Audacious; the Audacious soon being too crippled to control her movements; a desperate chase as the Audacious was discovered the next day by nine French warships; and finally a lucky escape through a fog bank. But the Admiralty had to wait until they received Parker’s own description of the battle for the detailed account that they craved.

  Capt. W. Parker to Philip Stephens, 3 June 1794

  Parker begins his letter by describing the initial chase as Villaret drew the British fleet away from the anticipated arrival location of Vanstabel’s convoy. Several British ships, including the Audacious, then engage the rearmost ship of the French fleet, the mighty First Rate Révolutionnaire. With a complement of 1,200 men and a battery of 110 guns, she was far larger than any ship in the British fleet and a monster compared with the Third Rate Audacious. The French ship withstood hours of battering before she was silenced but Parker reveals his uncertainty over her fate. Had she struck? His uncertainty was shared by the rest of the British ships nearby and the Révolutionnaire eventually escaped, unclaimed by any British warship. It was a major mistake and a reminder that the ultimate tally of seven ships captured or sunk in this battle could have been significantly better with this mighty three-decker added to the list.

  The Révolutionnaire had fought well, however, and the Audacious was severely damaged and in great danger. The next morning nine Frenchmen bore down on her and her crew tried to bend the foresail and maintopsail and set several studding sails on their injured masts. They even had to hoist false colours to disguise themselves, a ruse which appears to have failed. Parker and his crew were extremely lucky that the Frenchmen chose only to engage at a distance before escaping.

  Parker thanks his crew and makes particular note of the inexperience of some of his sailors. He is also careful to pass on the name of the ship they engaged, the Révolutionnaire, and he even refers to her previous name, the Bretagne. This highlights the French practice of re-naming their ships during the early years of the Revolution, erasing any reference to the fleet of the ancien régime. Such intelligence was of great value to the Admiralty and it serves as a reminder that the enemy now was not the enemy of old, but an entirely new breed of Frenchman.

  HIS MAJESTY’S SHIP AUDACIOUS

  PLYMOUTH SOUND JUNE 3RD, 1794, IN THE EVE.

  Sir,

  I have the honour to acquaint you for their Lordships information that on the 28th ult. in the morning about 8 oclock, His Majesty’s Fleet under the command of the Earl Howe, then in the Lattd: 47” 33’ Nº Longde: 14” 10’ West got sight of that of the Enemy.

  The wind blew strong from the Southward and the Enemies Fleet consisting of about Thirty Two Sail directly to windwd.

  Every thing was done by His Majesty’s Fleet per signals from the Earl Howe (preserving them in Order) to get up with the Enemy, who appear’d to be forming in order of Battle: but as I apprehend His Lordship consider’d their conduct began rather to indicate an intention of avoiding a general action; at fifty five minutes after One OClock, He directed a general Chace.

  Twas just becoming dark when His Majesty’s Ship under my Command arriv’d up with the Rear Ship of the Enemies Line; I immediately commenced a very Close Action which continued near Two hours, without intermission; never exceeding the distance of half a Cables length, but generally closer, and several times in the utmost difficulty to prevent falling on Board, which as his last effort to appearance, at about 10 oclock he attempted to effect, at this time his Mizzen Mast was gone by the Board, his Lower Yard and Main Top Sail Yard shot a way, his Fore Top Sail being full, (though flying out from the Top Sail Yard the Sheets being shot a way,) he fell a thwart our Bows, But we separated without being entangled, any time, he then directed his course before the wind, and to appearance pass’d through, a close a stern of the Ships in the Rear of our Line.

  When the Enemy separated from athwart our Bows,
the company of His Majesty’s Ship under my command, gave three cheers from the Idea taken from the People quartered forward that his colours were struck; this I cannot take upon me to say, though think it likely from his situation obliging him to pass through or near to our line; But certain it is he was compleatly beaten, his fire slacken’d towards the latter part of the Action, and the last broadside, (the ship’s sides almost touching each other) he sustain’d without returning more than the fire of two or three guns.

  His Majesty’s Ship under my command at the time we separated, lay with her Top Sails a back, (every brace, bowling; most of her standing, and all her running rigging shot away) in an unnavigable state, t’was some time before I could get her to wear, to run to Leeward of the French line, under cover of our own Ships, which by what I could judge by their Lights, were all pretty well up, and tolerably form’d.

  This being effected, I turn’d all hands to the repairing our damages to get into readiness (if possible) to resume our station at day light.

  The Rear of the French line had been engaged at a distance by Rear Admiral Pasley’s Division, and some other ships that did not fetch so far to Windward, a considerable time before I arriv’d up with them; and this very Ship was engag’d by the Leviathan at some distance to leeward, the time I did.

  The night being very dark I could form but little judgment of the situation of our fleet with respect to the French in point of distance, other, than not hearing any firing after our own ceas’d, I concluded they were scarcely far enough to Windward.

  Soon after day light the next morning to our utmost chagrin and astonishment we discovered Nine Sail of the Enemies Ships about three Miles to Windward.

  The Audacious then with her standing rigging but very indifferently stopper’d, her Fore Sail and Top Sails unbent, Main Top Sail in the Top in the act of bending, we put before the wind with the main and Fore Top mast stay sails only, ill set, from the sheet being shot a way; but it being Haze with rain and soon became thick, we for a time were cover’d from their view, and before, as I apprehend, they had form’d a judgment of what we were.

  The greatest exertion was used by every Officer and Man in the ship to get the other Fore Sail and Main Top Sail Bent, the Fore Top mast being so badly wounded, the Fore Top sail was of but little moment, however the People brought the damag’d sail to the yard a gain though it could not be hoisted; But before we got the Fore Sail and Main Top Sail set, the haze clear’d off, and we soon discovered ourselves to be chaced by two of the Enemies Ships: at this period we saw the Ship we had engag’d without any mast standing and pass’d her at a bout a mile and a half Distance. The Ships coming up with us very fast our situation became very alarming, untill we got the Main Top Gallant Sail, Main Top M[ast] and Top Gallant Studding Sails set, when it was judged we nearly preserv’d our Distance, however from the Fore Mast being in a tolerable state of security, at half past nine we were about setting a lower studding sail, when three Sail that had been discover’d to the Et ward some time before viz two Ships and a Brig coming pretty near us we hoisted French colours.

  The state of our Masts did not admit of making alteration in course, they observing our shatter’d state, and two Ships in chace of us, stood a thwart us boldly in fire, and shot were exchang’d, the one a Large Frigate and the other Two, Corvett’s, But as We had so much Sail out, they fell a stern for a considerable time, at length the Frigate came within shot of us again and harrass’d us by a distant canonade upon the quarter upwards of an hour, but without doing us any material injury, we only firing some of our after Guns upon each Deck at her, she was observ’d to make a Signal to the Ships a stern and soon after viz a bout half-past 12 oclock with the two Corvett’s haul’d her wind, and by its becoming hazey the whole were soon out of sight.

  Having been chaced twenty four Leagues directly to Leeward, and the crippl’d state of the Bowsprit being such as judged impossible to stand if the ship was haul’d to the wind, I considered the endeavouring to find the fleet again, might put His Majestys Ship (in her defective state) to too much risque, and therefore judged it most advantagious for the Service to proceed to Port without loss of time to refit; which I hope may meet their Lordships approbation. I must beg you’l be pleased to represent to their Lordships, that the conduct of the lieutenants of His Majesty’s Ship under my Command, during the Action, merits all the praise I can bestow upon them. As also that of Lieutenant Crofton of the 69th Regiment whose alertness and activity with his Men at Small Arms, in supporting the seamen arm’d to defend the Boarding (which occurr’d twice during the Action) gave me perfect satisfaction.

  The conduct of my Ship’s Company from the greater part of them never in His Majesty’s Service before, and scarcely any ever in Action, exceeded every possible expectation: as also the soldiers of the 69th Regiment who were all young recruits a twelve month agoe when they were embark’d on board.

  In fact the whole of my Ships Company Officers and Men in their different departments Behaved in a most exemplary manner.

  Tis wonderfull after such an action that I have the happiness to say the whole number kill’d and wounded are but Twenty two, three were kill’d on the spot, one died soon after, and the life of two more is despair’d of.

  The Captain and some of the Officers of a French Corvette which we took possession of and burnt a few mornings before by the Earl Howe’s Order, view’d the Ship we had engag’d while passing her in the morning and were of opinion she is called Le Revolutionaire formerly the Bretagne.

  In case their Lordships should have any enquiries to make further, I have dispatch’d Lieutenant Joseph Bingham my Senior Lieutenant on board with the charge of this letter who is a very excellent Officer, and an intelligent young Man, and I trust capable of giving every requisite information.

  Sir

  I am

  Your Most Obedient

  & most Humble Servant

  Wm Parker

  PHILIP STEPHENS ESQR.

  Taken together, however, Montagu’s and Parker’s letters were nothing more than a tantalising promise of more to come. If one closes one’s eyes to the subsequent decade of British success, Parker’s letter is actually quite troubling. It describes nothing more than a skirmish between a few isolated ships and reveals a resolute enemy. There is also some suggestion of muddle in the minds of the British captains who had failed to secure a valuable prize. So many questions still remained. Had Howe achieved anything more on 28 May than the disabling of a single ship? It was also clear that the Audacious was severely damaged and only narrowly escaped capture. Had her experience been shared by other British ships? Had Howe secured the grain convoy or was the contact restricted to this skirmish? Which sailors lay in the darkness of the orlop decks under the knives of surgeons, squinting at pale lanterns swinging from the deck beams above while knives and saws separated muscle from bone, limbs from torsos? Which ships had been damaged, which captured, which sunk? Answers to these questions and to so many more came in Howe’s first dispatch.

  Admiral R. Howe to P. Stephens, 2 June 1794

  This was the first official news of British naval victory in the Revolutionary War. The letter is written aboard the Queen Charlotte on 2 June, deep in the Atlantic a full 140 leagues, or 420 nautical miles, south west of Ushant. This anonymous location is the reason for the battle’s curious name. Because there was no headland or bay nearby to identify it, it is named after a date.

  The letter is a classic example of Howe’s meandering style of expression: he gives the reader no idea of the battle’s outcome until the third page. His elaborate prose does not reflect the way that his mind worked at sea. In command he was incisive; at his desk he was tortuous. Nelson once described a letter from Howe as ‘a jumble of nonsense’ but he also described Howe, and with some justification, as ‘the first and greatest sea officer the world has ever produced’.9 Howe was exhausted when he wrote this letter. When the fleets finally came together on 1 June, he had been awake for eight days, his on
ly rest taken slumped in a chair behind a canvas screen in his cabin. At the end of the battle he had to be helped from the deck.

  He sketches over the action of 28 May in one line, and there is no mention at all of the major action fought on the 29th or the two days of intermittent contact on 30 or 31 May. His description of the engagement on 1 June mentions his confrontation with the French flagship but otherwise is brief. Given that the letter was written so soon after the action, this comes as no surprise. Howe was not deliberately withholding information but simply had no idea what actually happened elsewhere. The result of the battle, however, is clear. Howe reports that seven ships were taken from the enemy, one of which, the Vengeur, sank. He also mentions the escape of ‘two or three’ dismasted ships at the end of the action, a failure that must be added to the escape of the beaten Révolutionnaire on 28 May.

  THE CHARLOTTE AT SEA

  2D JUNE 1794.

  USHANT E ½ N 140 LEAGUES

  Sir

  Thinking it may not be necessary to make a more particular report of my proceedings with the Fleet for the present information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty I confine my communications chiefly in this dispatch, to the Occurrences when in presence of the Enemy yesterday. –

  Finding on my return off of Brest on the 19th past, that the French Fleet had a few days before put to Sea; and receiving on the same evening, Advices from Rear Admiral Montagu, Copies of which are herewith enclosed; I deemed it requisite to endeavour to form a junction with the Rear Admiral as soon as possible; and proceeded immediately for the Station on which he meant to wait for the return of the Venus. –