Glimpses of World History

by Jawaharlal Nehru

  One gets used to everything in time, even to the routine and sameness of gaol. And rest is good for the body; and quiet is good for the mind; it makes one think. “Le repos est une bonne chose, mais l’ennui est son frère!” And now perhaps you will understand what these letters to you have meant to me. They may be dull reading to you and tedious and prolix. But they have filled up my gaol life and given me an occupation which has brought me a great deal of joy. It was just two years ago today, on New Year’s Day, that I began them in Naini Prison, and I continued them on my return to gaol. Sometimes I have not written for weeks, sometimes I have written daily. When the mood to write captured me and I sat down with pen and paper, I moved in a different world, and you were my darling companion, and gaol with all its works was forgotten. These letters thus came to represent for me my escapes from gaol.

  This letter that I am now writing is numbered 120, and this numbering began only nine months ago in Bareilly Gaol. I am amazed that I have written so much already, and I fear what you will say or feel when this mountain of letters descends upon you in one great mass. But you cannot grudge me my escapes and journeys from prison. It is more than seven months since I saw you, my dear. What a long time it has been!

  The story that my letters have contained has not been a very pleasant one. History is not pleasant. Man, in spite of his great and vaunted progress, is still a very unpleasant and selfish animal. And yet perhaps it is possible to see the silver lining of progress right through the long and dismal record of selfishness and quarrelsomeness and inhumanity of man. I am a bit of an optimist and am inclined to take a hopeful view of things, but optimism must not blind us to the dark spots around us and to the danger of an unthinking optimism itself being very much misplaced. For the world as it has been and is still gives little enough ground for optimism. It is a hard place for the idealist and for him who does not take his beliefs on trust. All manner of questions arise for which there is no straight answer; all manner of doubts come which do not easily vanish. Why should there be so much folly and misery in the world? That is the old question that troubled Prince Siddhartha 2,500 years ago in this country of ours. The story is told that he asked himself this question many a time before enlightenment came to him, and he became the Buddha. He asked himself, it is said:

  How can it be that Brahm

  Would make a world and keep it miserable,

  Since if all powerful, he leaves it so,

  He is not good, and if not powerful,

  He is not God?

  In our own country the fight for freedom goes on, and yet many of our countrymen pay little heed to it and argue and quarrel among themselves, and think in terms of a sect or a religious group or narrow class, and forget the larger good. And some, blind to the vision of freedom,

  Took truce with tyrants and grew tame,

  And gathered up cast crowns and creeds to wear,

  And rags and shards regilded . . .

  In the name of law and order, tyranny flourishes and tries to crush those who will not submit to it. Strange that the very thing that should be a refuge of the weak and the oppressed should become a weapon in the hand of the oppressors. This letter has had several quotations already, but I must give you one other which appeals to me and which seems to fit in with our present state. It is from a book of Montesquieu, a French philosopher of the eighteenth century, whom I have mentioned already in one of my earlier letters. “Il n’y a point de plus cruelle tyrannie que celle que l’on exerce à l’ombre des lois et avec les couleurs de la justice, lorsqu’on va pour ainsi dire noyer des malheureux sur la planche méme sur laquelle ils s’étaient sauvés.”

  This letter has become much too dismal for a New Year Day letter. That is highly unbecoming. Indeed, I am not dismal, and why should we be dismal? We have the joy of working and struggling for a great cause; we have a great leader, a beloved friend and a trusty guide, whose sight gives strength and whose touch inspires; and we have the surety that success awaits us, and sooner or later we shall achieve it. Life would be dull and colourless but for the obstacles that we have to overcome and the fights that we have to win.

  And you, my darling one, on the threshold of life, must have no dealings with the dismal and the dreary. You will face life and all that it brings with a joyful and serene countenance, and welcome such difficulties as may come your way for the pleasure of surmounting them.

  And so, au revoir, bien aimée, and may this be not too long in coming!

  121

  The Philippines and the United States of America

  January 3, 1933

  Having digressed a little on New Year’s Day, we must now get on with our story. We might as well deal with the Philippine Islands so that the picture of the eastern part of Asia might be completed. Why should we pay special attention to these islands? There are many other islands in Asia and elsewhere which I am not even mentioning in the course of these letters. We are trying to follow the growth of the new imperialism in Asia and its reactions on the older civilizations. India is the model empire for this study; China shows us another and a different, but also a vastly important, aspect of the spread of this industrial imperialism. The East Indies, Indo-China, etc., have also something to teach us. In the same way the Philippines have interest for us. This interest is increased because we find a new Power in action here—the United States of America.

  We saw that in China the United States were not as aggressive as the other Powers; on some occasions they even helped China by restraining the other imperialist governments. This was not due to their dislike of imperialism or to a love of China, but to certain internal factors which made them differ from the European countries. These European countries were tightly packed in a small continent, thickly populated, with little elbow-room for each other. There was always friction and trouble. With the coming of industrialism their population grew rapidly, and they began to produce more and more goods which they could not dispose of at home. Food was required for the growing population and raw materials for the factories and markets for the manufactured goods. The urgent economic necessity for fulfilling these wants drove them to distant countries and to wars for empire among themselves.

  These considerations did not apply to the United States. Their country was about as big as Europe and the population was small. There was plenty of room for everybody, plenty of opportunities for devoting their energies to the development of their own vast undeveloped territories. As railways were built they went west and spread farther and farther till they reached the Pacific Ocean. All this work in their own country kept the Americans busy, and they had no time or inclination for colonial adventures. Indeed, at one time, as I have told you, a demand for labour on the Californian coast made them ask the Chinese Government for Chinese workers, a request which was complied with and which later created bitterness between the two countries. This preoccupation of the Americans with their own country kept them away from the race for empire in which the European Governments were indulging. They interfered in China only when they felt that they must, and when they feared that the other Powers would divide the country among themselves.

  The Philippines, however, came under direct American rule. They tell us of American imperialism, and so have interest for us. Do not imagine that the empire of the United States is confined to the Philippine Islands. Outwardly that is the only empire they have got, but, profiting by the experience and troubles of other imperialist Powers, they have improved on the old methods. They do not take the trouble to annex a country, as Britain annexed India; all they are interested in is profit, and so they take steps to control the wealth of the country. Through the control of the wealth it is easy enough to control the people of the country and, indeed, the land itself. And so without much trouble, or friction with an aggressive nationalism, they control the country and share its wealth. This ingenious method is called economic imperialism. The map does not show it. A country may appear to be free and independent if you consult geography or an atlas. B
ut if you look behind the veil you will find that it is in the grip of another country, or rather of its bankers and big businessmen. It is this invisible empire that the United States of America possesses. And it is this invisible but nonetheless effective empire which Britain is trying to preserve for herself, in India and elsewhere, when outwardly she hands over control of the political machine to the people of the country. This is a dangerous thing and we must beware of it.

  We need not look into this invisible economic empire at this stage, for the Philippines are part of the visible empire.

  There is also another, though a minor and rather sentimental, reason for our interest in the Philippines. Today they have a Spanish-American appearance, but the whole background of their old culture came from India. Indian culture travelled to them via Sumatra and Java and touched almost every aspect of life—social, religious, and political. Old Indian myths and stories and part of our literature reached them. Their languages contain many Sanskrit words. Their art is influenced by India, and so are their laws and handicrafts. Even dress and ornamentation bear this impress. The Spaniards, during their long rule of over 300 years, tried to destroy all evidence of this old Indian culture, and so little remains now.

  The Spanish occupation of these islands began as long ago as 1565. They are thus among the earliest footholds of Europe in Asia. They were governed quite differently from the Portuguese or British or Dutch colonies. Trade was not encouraged. Religion was the background of the governments, and the officials were mostly missionaries and churchmen. It has been called a “Missionaries’ Empire”. No attempt was made to improve the condition of the people. There was misgovernment and oppression and heavy taxation, and attempts at forced conversions to Christianity. These conditions naturally led to many revolts. Many Chinese came over to the islands to carry on trade. As they refused to become Christians, massacres of them were organized. English and Dutch merchants were not allowed, partly because often they were enemies, and partly because they were Protestant Christians, and thus heretics in the eyes of the Roman Catholic Spaniards.

  Conditions worsened. But one good result followed. The different parts and groups of the islands were united, and a national consciousness began to arise in the nineteenth century. The opening out of the islands to foreign merchants about the middle of this century led to some reforms in education and other departments, and trade and business grew. A Filipino middle class developed. There had been inter-marriages between the Spaniards and the Filipinos, and many Filipinos had Spanish blood. Spain came to be looked up to almost as a home country and Spanish ideas spread. Nonetheless, the spirit of nationalism grew, and as it was repressed it became revolutionary. There was no idea at first of separation from Spain: self-government was demanded and some representation in Spain’s feeble and ineffective parliament called the “Cortes”. It is curious how national movements everywhere begin moderately and inevitably become more extreme and stand ultimately for separation and independence. A demand for freedom suppressed has to be met later with compound interest. So in the Philippines the demand grew; national organizations were formed to enforce it and secret societies also spread. A “Young Filipino Party”, whose leader was Dr Jose Rizal, played a prominent part. The Spanish authorities tried to crush the movement by the only method which governments seem to know—terrorism. Rizal and large numbers of other leaders were sentenced to death and executed in 1896.

  This was the last straw. Open rebellion then broke out against the Spanish Government, and the Filipinos issued their “declaration of independence”. For a full year the struggle continued, and the Spaniards could not crush the rebellion. Then promise of substantial reforms led to a suspension. Nothing, however, was done by Spain, and in 1898 the rebellion broke out afresh.

  Meanwhile the American Government had quarrelled with Spain over some other matter and war was declared between the two countries. An American fleet attacked the Philippines in April 1898. The rebel Filipino leaders, fully expecting that the great American Republic would stand for Filipino freedom, helped the Americans in the war. They again declared their independence and organized a republican government. A Filipino Congress assembled in September 1898, and by the end of November a constitution was adopted. But while this constitution was being discussed by this Congress, Spain was being defeated by the United States. Spain was weak, and before the end of the year confessed herself beaten and the war ended. In the terms of peace Spain handed over the Philippine Islands to the United States. This generous gift cost her nothing at all, as the Filipino rebels had already put an end to Spanish authority.

  The United States Government now took steps to take possession of the islands. The Filipinos protested and pointed out that Spain had no business and no power to transfer the islands, as she possessed nothing to transfer at the time. Their protest was in vain, and just when they were congratulating themselves on their newly won freedom, they had to fight afresh and fight a vastly more powerful government than that of Spain. For three and a half years they carried on their gallant struggle, for a few months as an organized government, and later by means of guerrilla warfare.

  The revolt was finally suppressed and American rule established. Considerable reforms were introduced, especially in education, but the demand for independence continued. In 1916 the United States Congress passed a bill known as the “Jones Bill”, by which they transferred some powers to an elected legislature. But the American Governor-General has the right to interfere, and he has often done so.

  There have been no risings against the United States authorities in the island; but the Filipinos have refused to be content with their present lot and have carried on their agitation and demand for independence. The Americans have often assured them, in the true imperialist manner, that they were there only for the Filipinos’ benefit and would leave the islands as soon as the Filipinos were capable of carrying on by themselves. Even in the Jones Bill of 1916 it was stated that “it is, as it always has been, the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein”. In spite of this there are many people in America who are openly opposed to Philippine independence.

  Even as I write news comes in the papers that the United States Congress has passed a resolution, or some such declaration, stating that the Philippines will be granted their independence within ten years.

  The United States have certain economic interests in the Philippines which they are anxious to protect. They are particularly interested in rubber plantations there, as rubber is one of the very necessary things that they lack. But their main interest in the occupation of the island is, I believe, fear of Japan. Japan is quite near the Philippines, and Japan is overflowing with an evergrowing population. It is quite likely that the Japanese Government looks greedily on these islands. There is not much love lost between the American and the Japanese Governments, and so the question of the future of the Philippines becomes a part of the larger question of the Pacific Powers and their relations.

  122

  Where Three Continents Meet

  January 16, 1933

  One of my New Year wishes has found fulfilment much sooner than I had expected when I wrote a fortnight ago. After my long wait we have had an interview at last, and I have seen you again. And the joy and excitement of seeing you and others have filled me for many a day, and upset my routine and made me neglect my usual work. I have felt in holiday mood. Four days ago it was that we met, and already it seems so long ago! Already I think of the future and wonder when and where our next meeting will be.

  Meanwhile no gaol rules can stop me from my game of make-believe, and I shall continue these letters to you.

  I have been writing to you for some time past about the nineteenth century. I tried to give you at first a general survey of this century, which is roughly the hundred years after Napoleon’s fall, Then we proceeded to a more detailed
survey of some countries. We had a good look at India, and then at China and Japan, and lastly at Farther India and the East Indies. We have so far considered only a part of Asia in this more detailed survey; the rest of the world remains. It is a long story, and it is not easy to keep it straight and clear. I have to take countries and continents one after the other and deal with them separately. Again and again I have to go back and cover the same period of time for a different area. This must necessarily be a little confusing. But you must try to remember that all these nineteenth-century events in different countries took place contemporaneously, more or less at the same time, influencing and reacting on each other. That is why the study of the history of one country by itself is very deceptive; only a world history can give us a right idea of the importance of events and forces that have shaped the past and made it into the present. These letters do not pretend to give you such a world history; that is a task beyond me, and you will find no lack of books on the subject. All that I have tried to do in these letters is to rouse your interest in world history, to show you certain aspects of it, and to make you follow certain threads of human activity from the early times till today. I do not know how far I shall succeed; I fear that the result of my labours might be to place before you a hotch-potch which might confuse you more than help you to form a right judgment.