Glimpses of World History

by Jawaharlal Nehru

  The governments of both Spain and Portugal were more or less autocratic monarchies with feeble parliamentary assemblies. In Spain this assembly was called the “Cortes”. For a brief period in the early seventies of the nineteenth century, Spain had a republic, but this was not a success, and the king came back again with all his previous autocracy. The Spanish war with the United States of America in 1898 resulted in Spain losing almost the last of her colonies. All the colonial domain that she had left was in part of Morocco, adjoining her.

  Portugal has still large colonies in Africa, besides tiny bits of India, like Goa. In 1910 the king was dethroned and a republic was established in Portugal. There have been many revolts since then, both royalist, trying to get back the king, and left-wing, attempting to get rid of dictators and reactionary governments. The Republic has, however, continued, in some form or other, and has usually been dominated by a military group. It took the part of the Allies during the Great War, and came out of it with a heavy debt which brought it near bankruptcy. The present Government is very reactionary and pro-fascist. In Goa every public activity is repressed, and there is a complete denial of civil liberty.

  Spain remained neutral during the Great War and profited by this. It supplied goods to the waning countries and industrialization spread. In the after-war years there was a slump and unemployment and social unrest. About the same time, in 1921, there was the Riff War in Morocco, in which Abdel Krim completely defeated the Spanish Army. But the French came in later and overwhelmed Abdel Krim and saved Spanish Morocco for Spain. During the Moroccan War Primo de Rivera emerged and became dictator in 1923, suspending the constitution. He continued for six years, but gradually he lost the confidence of the army and had to resign in 1929 after a financial crisis. Meanwhile King Alfonso had all the time been there, supporting reactionary groups and trying to consolidate his own position.

  The Spanish people are strongly individualist, and their advanced groups had often quarrelled with one another. From the days of Bakunin, the anarchist philosophy had appealed to the new working class, and trade unions, after the English or German fashion, had not been popular. The Anarcho-Syndicalists formed a strong group, especially in Catalonia. Other advanced groups were the liberal-democrats, the socialists, and a small but growing Communist Party. All these groups stood for a republic. The experience of Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship brought all these republican groups together, and they began to co-operate with one another.

  Success came to them in the municipal elections in 1931, which resulted in a sweeping republican victory. This was enough to frighten the King (who was both a Bourbon and a Hapsburg), and he left the country hastily. A republic was proclaimed and a Provisional Government established on April 14, 1931. The revolution had been a peaceful one.

  The Spanish Revolution bears a striking resemblance to the first Russian Revolution, that of March 1917. The old monarchical structure, like Tsardom in Russia, was thoroughly rotten, and it fell to pieces without even an attempt to face its opponents. In both cases the revolution represented a belated attempt to wipe out feudalism and change the land system, the chief pressure coming from the poverty-stricken peasantry. In Spain, even more than in Russia, the power of the Church was felt as a terrible burden. Both the revolutions produced unstable conditions, with various classes pulling in different directions. There were frequent risings both from the right and the extreme left. In Russia this instability led to the November Revolution; in Spain it still continues.

  The new Spanish constitution had some interesting features. There is only one chamber, the Cortes, and universal suffrage is provided for. A unique feature is that the President is forbidden to declare war without the sanction of the League of Nations. All international covenants recorded in the League of Nations and ratified by Spain become Spanish law immediately, and even overrule positive legislation that conflicts with them.

  The government of the new Republic was described as a left-liberal democracy with a tinge of socialism. The Prime Minister and the strong man of the government was Manuel Azana. This government had immediately to face difficult problems—the land, the Church, and the army. Far-reaching legislation was passed by the Cortes in regard to these, but in practice much was not done. Thus legislation provided that no person or family was to hold more than 25 acres of irrigated land, and even this could only be kept so long as it was under cultivation. In effect, however, the great estates continued, except the estates of the crown and some rebellious grandees, which were confiscated.

  The War in Spain

  The Cortes nationalized Church property, but this again was not acted upon. Apart from certain restrictions on the Church in regard to education, its freedom was not interfered with. Some of the privileges of the army officers were taken away and a large number of them were retired on generous pensions.

  In January 1932 there was a big anarcho-syndicalist rising in Catalonia, which was suppressed by the government. Later in the year there was an abortive rising from the right.

  The record of the new Republic during these early years was creditable, especially in regard to education. Something was also done to solve the land problem and to improve the condition of the workers. But the progress in land reform has been slow and the peasantry is dissatisfied with it. Meanwhile the vested interests and reactionary elements are still entrenched and threaten the Republic. The liberal government has dealt with them leniently.

  Note (November 1938):

  The year 1933 saw the consolidation of the reactionary elements in Spain, and this Right coalition obtained a majority in the elections held that year. A reactionary government came into power, and this stopped agrarian reform, strengthened the Church, and went back on much that the previous government had done. This led to the development of unity among the Left groups in order to resist reaction. In October 1934 there were riots all over Spain, but the government succeeded in putting them down and in suppressing the Left. But the Left forces continued to consolidate themselves, and built up a Popular Front consisting of liberals, socialists, anarchists, and communists. In February 1936 this Popular Front won in the elections to the Cortes, and a new government was formed. It was felt that this government would take vigorous steps to solve the land problem and curb the power of the Church, and would not be so lenient towards vested interests as the previous liberal administration had been. Conflict therefore grew, and the forces of reaction decided to strike. They obtained support from Mussolini and Nazi Germany.

  In July 1936 General Franco started the rebellion in Spanish Morocco with the help of the Moorish army which was promised the independence of Spanish Morocco. The army officers and the greater part of the army were with Franco, and the government appeared defenceless. Thereupon the government called upon the masses to fight, with bare fists if nothing else was available. There was a splendid response to this, especially in Madrid and Barcelona. The government and the Republic were saved, but Franco took possession of large parts of Spain.

  Since then the war has gone on, Franco being aided to a very great extent by Italy and Germany, who sent large armies, aeroplanes and aviators and ammunition. The Republic also had foreign volunteers to help it, but at the same time it built up a magnificent new Spanish army. The British and French Governments have stated that they follow a policy of non-intervention, but this in effect has helped Franco.

  The Spanish War has been full of horror, and vast numbers have been killed by aerial bombardments on open towns and civilian populations by Italian and German aeroplanes in Franco’s service. The defence of Madrid has become famous. At present Franco occupies three-fourths of Spain, but he has been effectively held by the Republic, which, in a military sense, is strong. Its chief difficulty is lack of food.

  The war in Spain has been considered as something much more than a national conflict. It has become symbolical of the struggle between democracy and fascism and has thus attracted widespread attention and sympathy.

  190

&nb
sp; The Nazi Triumph in Germany

  July 31, 1933

  The Spanish Revolution surprised some people, but in reality there was nothing surprising in it. It took place in the natural order of events, and close observers knew that it was inevitable. The old structure of king-feudalism-Church was moth-eaten, and had no strength left. It was quite out of keeping with modern conditions and so, like a ripe fruit, it fell down almost at a push. In India also there are still many such feudal relics of a bygone age; they would probably disappear quickly enough if they were not bolstered up by a foreign Power.

  The recent changes in Germany are, however, of a totally different kind, and there is no doubt that they have shaken up Europe and stupefied numbers of people. That a cultured and highly advanced people like the Germans should have indulged in brutal and barbarous behaviour has been an amazing experience.

  Hitler and his Nazis have triumphed in Germany. They have been called fascist, and their victory a victory of counter-revolution, a going-back on the German revolution of 1918 and what followed it. All this is perfectly true, and you will find all the elements of fascism in Hitlerism, and a fierce reaction, and a savage attack on all liberal elements and especially workers. And yet it is something much more than just reaction, and something broader and more based on mass sentiment than Italian fascism. That mass sentiment is not that of the workers, but of a starving, dispossessed middle class turned revolutionary.

  In a previous letter dealing with Italy I discussed fascism, and I pointed out that it occurred when a capitalist State was threatened during an economic crisis by social revolution. The owning capitalist classes tried to protect themselves by creating a mass movement, round a nucleus of the lower-middle class, using misleading anti-capitalist slogans to attract the unwary peasants and workers. Having seized power and gained control of the State, they scrap all democratic institutions and crush their enemies and especially break up all workers’ organizations. Their rule is thus primarily based on violence. The middle-class supporters are given jobs in the new State, and usually some measure of State control of industry is introduced.

  We find all this taking place in Germany, and it was even expected. But what is surprising is the tremendous urge behind it, and the numbers of people who joined Hitler.

  The Nazi counter-revolution took place in March 1933. But I shall take you a little farther back to watch the beginnings of the movement.

  The German Revolution of 1918 was an unreal affair; it was no revolution at all. The Kaiser went and a republic was proclaimed, but the old political, social, and economic system continued. For a few years the Social Democrats controlled the government. They were greatly afraid of the old reactionary and vested interests, and were always trying to compromise with them. They had a tremendously powerful machine behind them in their party, with millions of members, and the trade unions, and they had the sympathy of many others. But their policy was always a defensive one before the reactionary elements; they were only aggressive towards their own extreme wing and the Communist Party. They bungled their job so badly that many of their supporters left them. The workers who left them went over to the Communist Party, which became quite powerful with several million members, and the middle-class supporters went off to join reactionary parties. Between the Social Democrats and the Communists there was continuous war which weakened both.

  When the great German inflation came in the post-war years, the German industrialists and big landowners were in favour of it. The landlords, who were heavily in debt, with their estates mortgaged, paid off their debts in the inflated currency, which was almost worthless, and recovered possession of their estates. The big factory-owners improved their plants, and huge trusts were built up. German goods became so cheap that they found a ready market everywhere and unemployment vanished. The working class was strongly organized in trade unions, and it succeeded in keeping up wages even though the mark fell. The inflation hit the middle class and reduced it to abject poverty. It was this dispossessed middle class of 1923-24 that joined Hitler first. As the depression spread owing to failures of banks and increase of unemployment, many others joined Hitler. He became a refuge for the discontented. Another big class he drew from were the officers of the old army. This army had been disbanded after the war, under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, and thousands of officers were unemployed and had nothing to do. They drifted to the various private armies that were growing up—the Nazi “Storm Troops”, as they were called, and the “Steel helmets” of the Nationalists, who were conservatives in favour of the Kaiser’s return.

  Who was Adolf Hitler? Surprising as it is, he was not even a German citizen till a year or two before he came to power. He was a German-Austrian who had served in the war in a humble capacity. He took part in an abortive rising against the German Republic—a “putsch”—and though sentenced to imprisonment, was leniently treated by the authorities. He then organized his party called the “National Sozialist” (National Socialist) to oppose the Social Democrats. The word Nazi comes from this name: Na from National and zi from Sozialist. Although the party was called socialist, it had absolutely nothing to do with socialism. Hitler was and is a sworn enemy of socialism as it is ordinarily understood. The party adopted as a symbol the swastika, a Sanskrit word, but the sign has been well known all over the world from ancient times. This sign, as you know, is very popular in India, and is considered a symbol of auspiciousness. The Nazis also organized a fighting force, the “Storm Troops”, with a brown shirt for uniform. The Nazis are thus often called the “Brown-shirts”, just as the Italian Fascists are known as the “Black-shirts”.

  The programme of the Nazis was not a clear or a positive one. It was intensely nationalistic, and laid stress on the greatness of Germany and the Germans, and for the rest it was a hotch-potch of various hatreds. It was against the Treaty of Versailles, which was considered a humiliation for Germany, and this attracted many people to the Nazis. It was anti-Marxist-Communist-Socialist and opposed to workers’ trade unions and the like. It was anti-Jew because Jews were considered an alien race which defiled and lowered the high standards of the “Aryan” German race. It was vaguely anti-capitalist, but this only amounted to cursing profiteers and the rich. The only socialism it talked of rather loosely was a measure of State control.

  Behind all this lay an extraordinary philosophy of violence. Not only was violence praised and encouraged, but it was considered the highest duty of man. A famous German philosopher, Oswald Spengler, is an exponent of this philosophy. Man, he says, is a “beast of prey, brave and crafty and cruel” . . . “Ideals are cowardice.” . . . “The animal of prey is the highest form of mobile life.” He refers to “the toothless feeling of sympathy and reconciliation and quiet”, and to “hate, the most genuine of all race-feelings in the beast of prey”. Man should be like the lion, never tolerating an equal in his den, and not like the meek cow, living in herds and driven hither and thither. For such a man, war is, of course, the supreme occupation and joy.

  Oswald Spengler is one of the most learned men of the day; the books he has written surprise one by the enormous amount of learning they contain. And all this vast learning has led him to these astounding and hateful conclusions. I have quoted him because he enables us to understand the mentality behind Hitlerism and explains the cruelty and brutality of the Nazi regime. Of course one should not imagine that every Nazi thinks in this way. But the leaders and the aggressive elements certainly think so, and they set the fashion. It will perhaps be more correct to say that the average Nazi did not think at all. He felt roused up by his own misery and the national humiliation (the French occupation of the Ruhr was bitterly resented in Germany) and angry at things as they were. Hitler is a powerful orator, and he played on the emotions of his vast audiences and cast all the blame for everything that was happening on the Marxists and the Jews. If Germany was treated badly by France or other foreign countries, this became a reason for more people to join the Nazis, for the Nazis wou
ld protect the honour of Germany. If the economic crisis became worse, recruits poured in.

  The Social Democratic Party soon lost control over the government, and another group, the Catholic Centre Party, came into power because of the rivalries of others. No single party was strong enough to ignore others in the Reichstag (the Parliament), and so there were frequent elections and intrigues and party manoeuvres. The growth of the Nazis frightened the Social Democrats so much that they supported the capitalist Centre Party and the election of the old General von Hindenburg for the presidentship. In spite of the growth of the Nazis, the two workers’ parties, the Social Democratic and the Communist, were strong, and each had millions of supporters to the last, but they could not co-operate even in face of the common danger. The Communists remembered with bitterness the persecution they had been subjected to by the Social Democrats in the days of their power, from 1918 onwards, and how, at every moment of crisis, they, the Social Democrats, had sided with the reactionary groups. The Social Democratic Party, on the other hand, like the British Labour Party, with whom it was associated in the Second International, was a wealthy, widespread organization with plenty of patronage at its command, and it disliked taking any risk to endanger its security and position. It was very much afraid of doing anything against the law, or of indulging in what is known as direct action. It spent most of its energy in combating the Communists. And yet both of these parties were Marxists of a kind.

  Germany thus became an armed camp of evenly balanced forces, and there were frequent riots and murders, especially by the Nazis of Communist workers. Sometimes the workers retaliated. Hitler was remarkably successful in holding together a motley crew, the various elements of which had little in common with each other.