Collapse of Dignity

by Napoleon Gomez

  This tragedy and this conflict must serve as an impetus for change. Even after Los Mineros have fully triumphed over our opponents, our struggle will continue. Every one of us has a role to play in the ongoing fight for the dignity and respect of workers, even if all we can do is tell the story of their fight for dignity, respect, and justice.

  For a moment, put yourselves in the shoes of a mineworker who each day enters the depths of a pitch-black mine, experiencing intense heat, solitude, insufficient oxygen, choking dust and gases, and the constant threat of imminent danger. Imagine being in these conditions for eight or ten hours, and spending every bit of energy to extract precious minerals from the bowels of the earth—minerals that help your country progress. Imagine looking forward to the moment when you can leave the mine to once again see the light of day and be with your family, who depend on your wages.

  In Mexico today, too many miners can’t count on exiting their mine alive or on being able to support their family with the pay given them by their employers. We must work together to change the abominable working conditions under which they labor. It has become a disguised form of slavery, through which wealthy company owners reap ever-increasing profits. These conditions are not unique to Mexican miners but extend to working classes throughout the world.

  As June Calwood, the outstanding Canadian social activist and writer, said, “If you see an injustice committed, you stop being an observer and you become a participant who cannot help but become part of what is happening in front of you.” We must each stand in opposition to the injustices committed against laborers, no matter what industry or country they appear in. The right to liberty and the right to dignity are rights that belong to everyone, without exception—whether a union member, a student, a campesino, a contractor, an intellectual, a politician, or a businessman. We must become promoters of these rights wherever we see them denied. It is only through this change that we can progress, as individuals, as countries, and as humanity.

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  3 www.edelstamprize.org

  EPILOGUE

  THE FUTURE OF UNIONS

  In unity there is strength; strength and solidarity give the power to win.

  —A SAYING OF THE UNITED STEELWORKERS AND LOS MINEROS

  At its core, the battle Los Mineros has waged for more than seven years is not about revenge. Instead, it is a reflection of the ongoing class struggle in Mexico and in many other parts of the world. In far too many places, the working class is being abused. Wealth is firmly concentrated at the top of the hierarchy, and the poorest of the world are getting poorer. A large portion of the wealthy disregards the plight of these people, but some—like the heads of the companies who have persecuted us so vilely—are aggressive and greedy in their efforts to keep the status quo.

  Every human being has a universal right to find dignified work that provides fair compensation. The purpose of a union is to help ensure that everyone is able to exercise that right. And a union can’t be erased just because a company or a government wants it to be. They are the barrier between the worker and outright exploitation.

  Despite the way many businesspeople paint them, it is not the purpose of a union to run down the company, and a unionist is not the adversary of the organization. The purpose of a union is to add a crucial counterbalance to the power of the company. And, in fact, a union can empower workers in a way that benefits the goals of the company as well. Workers are in the trenches every day, and they have a hands-on role in production processes that many supervisors, managers, and executives don’t have. When the worker is backed by a strong union, he is a partner with the company, not a mere tool. He can therefore be freed to make constructive suggestions—for improvements, efficiencies, expansion, or any other changes that positively impact the workflow and the company’s bottom line. The result is a worker who feels necessary and respected, not marginalized, exploited, and frustrated.

  When the worker is respected and is treated with dignity, both parties—laborer and company—benefit immensely. That’s why we constantly try to implement comprehensive social programs that include access to housing, education, health care, and insurance. Our aim isn’t to drain the coffers of executives but to establish the basic rights of workers, a situation that would often benefit the company more than the savings they win oppressing employees and contractors.

  Because defense of workers’ rights is going to be an ongoing struggle—not just for us but for future generations as well—we also emphasize the need for organizations that build up workers’ ability to lead. We have proposed the creation of a Union Training and Leadership Institute that will build up young and aspiring leaders in the workers’ movement. We have also created a national political group called National Democratic Change (CADENA), to open up opportunities for workers to participate in the political arena. And we have also encouraged the development of the Women’s Front to Struggle for Workers’ Dignity in Mexico and the World, which has waged important battles for the dignity of workers. Oralia has been a key organizer in the Women’s Front, and it grows every day, in Mexico and internationally.

  The fight for the basic principles of trade unionism—unity, loyalty, and solidarity—must extend beyond the programs of our own union, though. In today’s world of transnational companies who are eager to exploit labor, it is all the more crucial that we defend them on a global scale. Without them, virtual slavery would prevail, along with mass exploitation and a loss of hope among the lower classes. A robust labor movement is the only way to effectively counterbalance the growing power and resources of global corporations and also the threats to security from organized crime.

  Such an arrangement benefits everyone involved, including the people of a country in general. When the greed and arrogance of a few at the top are held in check by a responsible, honest, and supportive union, society as a whole becomes more equitable and stable. When their greed and arrogance are allowed to run rampant, poverty remains and social frustration festers. And when labor leaders and corporate leaders work hand in hand—with mutual respect and a commitment to the agreements made between employer and worker—the company, too, is allowed to flourish.

  It is noteworthy that the countries with the greatest rates of unionization (more than 80 percent of workers), such as Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Denmark, also have the highest levels of operating efficiency and productivity in the world. These countries also have the lowest rates of corruption on the planet, which is not an accident. The distribution of wealth, much more evident in Scandinavia than in the rest of the world, is also closely tied to the high rate of labor organization. Thus, unions are not an obstacle to productivity, efficiency, egalitarianism, or social peace. Rather, they are monitors and guardians of the right every citizen has to equality, security, dignity, and hope for the future.

  The same can be the case in Mexico, in the United States, in Canada, in Latin America, and throughout the rest of the world. To get there, we need strong unions that encourage a new type of business-person—one who seeks to collaborate fairly with workers to increase productivity and efficiency, not one who seeks every way possible to abuse workers and lower their wages. In late 2012, Gina Rinehart, Australian mining magnate and the world’s richest woman, spoke at the Sydney Mining Club and made a case for drastically lowering miners’ wages in her country—so her company could compete with others elsewhere that pay workers $2 a day. Before that, she’d said that if poor people are “jealous” of the wealthy, they should “do something to make more money [themselves]—spend less time drinking or smoking and socializing, and more time working.” These absurd and small-minded attacks epitomize the type of business leader the unions need to counterbalance.

  Unfortunately, and despite the benefits, the global rate of unionization has decreased. Employers resist making the effort to collaborate; in many places, unionism bears a stigma, and people see it as holding back growth and encouraging corruption; and some union leaders have indeed abused their p
ower and not proven themselves equal to the people who elected them. In cases of the latter, the media magnifies the incident and makes it seem like a fundamental problem with unions, which couldn’t be further from the truth.

  We face a challenge as we—Los Mineros and workers across the globe—fight for a New Unionism that protects the rights of laborers everywhere. We must build up strong leaders within our organization, leaders who have moral authority and are not afraid to stand up to abuse wherever they find it. We must also promote democracy and transparency within our organizations, so that no one can attack us or paint us as anything but upright and honorable entities. We must educate everyone around us, unionized or not, about the importance of the labor movement, how it protects us from social decay, misery in the lower classes, and corruption in all its forms. And we must never back down when threatened by corporate figures or corrupted governments.

  I hope that the heroes who have given so much in this fight will serve as an inspiration of endurance and commitment to the cause. We must all have their tenacity and integrity as we struggle to usher in a new era of unionism that lifts up and dignifies workers—those of Mexico and the rest of the world.

  Even after all this struggle against the tyranny of a few, we have not yet seen the flowering of a better and nobler world, where the members of every society can live happily, without the unlimited exploitation that annihilates the most fundamental rights of human beings. But I am convinced that there are many more of us, people with healthy ideas and principles, who will continue fighting until we achieve this highly dignified purpose.

  INDEX

  A

  Abascal, Carlos María, 177, 179–180, 217

  double-talk and double-standards of, 46

  as enemy of miners, 177

  Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón and, 34–37, 158

  as Interior Secretary, 34, 37, 40, 42, 171

  as Labor Secretary, 32–34, 40, 115

  support for Larrea Mota Velasco, Germán Feliciano, 98, 129

  Absolute power, abuse of, 309

  Aceros Planos de México (APM), 146

  auction of, 114

  Acosta Azcón, Agustín

  denial of story reported in Milenio, 258–259

  direction of, from Grupo México, 263

  at Linares, Juan’s trial, 254–255

  media appearances of, 254

  son of Acosta Lagunes, Agustín, 253

  Acosta Chaparro, Arturo, recruitment of, to assinate Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón, 223–224, 238

  Acosta Lagunes, Agustín

  as former general director of the Mexican Mint, 253

  as Grupo México’s lawyer, 193

  Agencia Federal de Investigacion (AFI), 46, 260, 289

  Agreement 72–73, 87, 159–160

  Aguas Blancas, Guerrero, massacre of peasants in, 223

  Aguilar, Ruben, media campaign of, 95–96, 103–104

  Aguilar López, Miguel Angel (Judge), confirmation of innocence of Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón, 300

  Aguilera, Elias, survival of, in mine explosion, 89

  Alarcón, Javier Lozano (Labor Secretary), 248–249

  attention on Cananea strike, 197–198

  bribery of Pavón, Carlos and, 247

  as “cat,” 219, 275, 306

  denial of toma de nota, 218–219

  heading of fact-finding commission by, 202

  journalists questioning of, 307

  labor progress made without involvement of, 305

  as member of PRI, 164–165

  national executive committee in office of, 239

  partnership with Gómez Mont, Fernando, 249

  as persecutor of miners, 167–169

  pressing of charges against, 219

  resolve to end conflict with union members, 215

  Rivero Legarreta, Juan and, 215, 217

  Alatorre, Javier, 189

  Albor, Mariano, previous criminal defense lawyer, 135

  Albuquerque, New Mexico, temporary relocation of Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón to, 108

  Alcalde Justiniani, Arturo

  as legal defender of labor, 168

  as outstanding journalist, 191

  Allende, 98

  Almeida, Jorge, confirmation of, in industrial homicide as term, 71

  trip to Pasta de Conchos, 56–57

  Altos Hornos de México (AHMSA) (steel company), 58, 213

  abuse and collaboration in boardrooms of, 142

  Ancira Elizondo, Alonso, of, 177

  bribery of communications professionals by, 188

  criminal acts of, 293, 297

  engineers from, 58

  government holding company with control of, 267

  as largest steel producer, 6, 21, 107

  national heritage and, 145

  ownership by Mexican government, 227

  Alvarez Gómez, Héctor

  murder of, 119–120, 124, 297

  widow of, 119–120

  American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFLCIO), 302

  American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO), 257, 262

  strike against, 32

  Amparo, 135n

  filing of, 213

  against Interpol’s involvement, 290

  against JFCA decision, 212

  in requesting extradition of Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón, 288–289

  against SIEDO’s actions, 285–286

  Ancira Elizondo, Alonso, 145, 208

  accusations against, 107

  anti-mining stance with, 164

  bribery attempt by, 234–235, 247

  as CEO of Altos Hornos de México, 227

  as enemy of miners, 177

  filing of complaint against Pavón, Carlos and Linares, Juan and Barajas, José, 243

  Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón, and, 130, 175, 228–234

  prop up of union leaders and then persecution of, 227–228

  Rivero and, 213, 214, 215–216, 292

  ties to Fox and Calderón, 228

  union relationship with, 214

  Ancira Elizondo, Deacero, accusations against, 107

  ArcelorMittal Steelworks, 6, 124

  Miners’ Union and, 304, 305

  Aristegui, Carmen, as upstanding journalist from MVS Radio, 190

  Arizona Rangers, 212

  Armenta, Manny, 109

  as representative of United Steelworkers Union (USW), 108

  Arthur Svensson International Prize for Trade Union Rights, Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón as recipient of, 302

  Aspe, Pedro

  as president of board of governors of the Mint, 8

  relationship between Bailleres, Alberto, 146

  as treasury secretary, 8

  Atacama desert, xv

  Atenco, members of, 301

  Atracciones y Emociones Vallarta (gaming company), 249

  Autlán Mining Company, Gómez, Napoleón as general director of, 12

  Autonomous University of Nuevo León (UANL), 7

  Autrey, Xavier, 145

  Avcenscio Romero Hernández, Victor, ruling on continuation of strike, 279

  Aviation Workers’ Union, 163, 179

  Azcárraga, Emilio, of Televisa, 163

  Azcárraga, Gastón, protection of, 162

  B

  Bachoco (agro-industrial company), 204

  Bailleres, Alberto, 208

  aggression against Miners’ Union, 267

  disloyalty of, 268

  donation of money to Calderón, 231–232

  fear of angering, 272

  opposition to workers, 227

  Pavón, Carlos and, 247–248

  Bailleres, Raul, 267–268

  clandestine trafficking and, 268

  mining of mercury by, 267

  Bailleres Gonzáles, Alberto

  concern over, 36

  education of workers and, 27

  as enemy of the miners, 177

  as member of board of Televisa, 183

  opposition to Gómez Urrutia, Napoleó
n’s run for Senate, 175

  priorities of, 184

  relationship between Aspe, Pedro and, 146

  wealth of, 163

  Banamex, 25

  Banking fraud charges

  categorizaton of, as serious, 242

  Mexican banking commission investigation of, 241

  Bank of Mexico, 164

  Banorte, 10

  Barajas, José, 118

  Ancira, Alonso’s charges against, 244

  avoidance of capture, 251

  Barragán, Marisol, 257

  “Behind the News” broadcasts, 190–191

  Bejarano, René, 253–254

  Bello, Marco Antonio (Judge), 275

  Beltrán, Sergio, as loyal union member, 274

  Berney, Horwath

  hiring of, by International Metalworkers’ Federation (IMF), 192

  union finances and, 193–194

  BHP Billiton, common strategies to defend their interests, 155

  Black Mexico, 47

  Bonds, Terry, 109

  as representative of United Steelworkers Union (USW), 108

  Boot Summit, 110

  Bours Castelo, Eduardo, 201

  lies of, 203–205

  on takeover of La Caridad mine, 204–205

  Brando, Marlon, 103

  British-Australian Rio Tinto, common strategies to defend their interests, 155

  British Council, grant to Gómez, Napoleón, 5

  Brown, Garret, 201

  Bush, George W., 109

  Bustillos, Juan, as upstanding journalist of Impacto magazine, 190

  C

  Cabeza de Vaca, Daniel, Larrea Mota Velasco, Germán Feliciano payments and gifts to, 130

  Calderón Hinojosa, Felipe (President)

  appointment of Chávez as attorney general, 283

  deceit and treachery of, 305

  government of, 139, 144, 159, 163–164, 281, 299

  hostility to Miners’ Union, 163–164

  Los Mineros request for audience with, 158

  opposition to union leadership, xix

  political prisoners of, 243

  as religious fundamentalist, xix