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Tudor_Passion. Manipulation. Murder. the Story of England's Most Notorious Royal Family

Page 52

by Leanda de Lisle


  6.Ibid.

  7.Lettres, Instructions & Memoires de Marie Stuart, Reine D’Ecosse (ed Alexandre Labanoff) (1844), Vol. 6, p. 125.

  8.J. Lynch, ‘Philip II and the Papacy’ in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, Vol. 11 (1961), pp. 23, 24.

  9.Anne Somerset, Elizabeth I (1991), p. 518.

  10.See Penry Williams, ‘Anthony Babington’ in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

  11.Stephen Alford, The Watchers (2012), p. 213.

  12.Ibid., p. 235.

  13.Harris D. Willson, King James VI and I (1956), p. 73.

  14.Lettres, Instructions & Memoires de Marie Stuart, Reine D’Ecosse, (ed Labanoff), Vol. 6, pp. 474–80.

  15.Guy, My Heart is My Own, p. 4.

  16.The Hon. Mrs Maxwell Scott, The Tragedy of Fotheringay (1895), pp. 417–23.

  17.CSPS Simancas 4 (35).

  40The Armada

  1.Lynch, ‘Philip II and the Papacy’ in op. cit., pp. 37, 38.

  2.Ibid.

  3.Captain Cuellar’s Adventures in Connacht & Ulster, 1588 (ed Hugh Allington), p. 49.

  4.That brave Lancastrian queen, Margaret of Anjou, was to be damned by Shakespeare as a ‘she-wolf’, and ‘a tiger’s heart wrapped in a woman’s hide’ for having taken political leadership of her mad husband’s armies.

  5.http://www.lukehistory.com/ballads/tilsbury.html, Thomas Deloney; Elizabeth is often depicted on a white horse, although no written record describes her mount in this detail.

  6.The Lord Marshal was Sir John Norris; http://www.lukehistory.com/ballads/tilsbury.html, Thomas Deloney.

  7.James Aske, ‘Elizabetha Triumphans’ in Nichols, Progresses and Processions of Queen Elizabeth, Vol. 2, p. 570.

  8.Dr Leonel Sharp, who recorded the best-known version of the Tilbury speech.

  9.Anna Whitelock, ‘Woman, Warrior Queen’ in Tudor Queenship (ed Hunt and Whitelock), pp. 173–91.

  10.The words are not exactly Elizabeth’s, but the evidence suggests it is an accurate representation of them. Deloney’s contemporary verse records: ‘And then bespake our noble Queene, my louing friends and countriemen:/I hope this day the worst is seen, that in our wars ye shall sustain./But if our enimies do assaile you, neuer let your stomackes falle you./For in the midst of all your troupe, we our selues will be in place:/To be you ioy, your guide and comfort, euen before your enimies face’.

  11.R. Leicester and Miller Christy, ‘Queen Elizabeth’s Visit to Tilbury in 1588’ in English Historical Review 34 (1919), p. 47.

  12.Susan Frye, ‘The Myth of Elizabeth at Tilbury’ in Sixteenth-Century Journal 23, No. 1 (spring 1992), p. 98.

  13.Captain Cuellar’s Adventures (ed Allington), pp. 49, 52.

  14.Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works (ed May), p. 181.

  15.John Clapham, Elizabeth of England (ed E. Plummer Read and C. Read) (1951), p. 97.

  41Setting Sun

  1.Simon Adams, Leicester and the Court (1988), p. 149; Frederic Gerschow, ‘Diary of the Duke of Stettin’s Journey through England in 1602’ in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (1892), p. 25.

  2.Godfrey Goodman, The Court of James the First (from the original manuscript), 2 vols. (1839), Vol. 1, pp. 96–7.

  3.Under the 1571 Treasons Act.

  4.R. Doleman, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Crowne of Ingland (1594), Pt II, p. 183.

  5.Ibid., Pt II, p. 196.

  6.André de Maisse, A Journal of all that was Accomplished by Monsieur de Maisse, Ambassador in England from King Henri IV to Queen Elizabeth, Anno Domini 1597 (ed and tr. G. B. Harrison) (1931), pp. 25, 26, 29.

  7.Ibid., p. 82.

  8.Merton, PhD diss., op. cit., p. 127.

  9.De Maisse, Journal, p. 115.

  10.Sir John Harington, A Tract on the Succession to the Crown, AD 1602 (1880), p. 106.

  11.Sir John Harington, Nugae Antiquae, being a miscellaneous collection of original papers, with notes by Thomas Park FSA, 2 vols. (1804), Vol. 1, pp. 179, 180.

  12.There has been debate over whether this was Shakespeare’s play (as I believe) or some other one, and also whether it was intended to overthrow Elizabeth or merely her councillors (on which I take the view that monarchs realised that one easily led to the other). See Jason Scott-Warren, ‘Was Elizabeth I Richard II?: The Authenticity of Lambarde’s “Conversation”’ in Review of English Studies (first published online 14 July 2012).

  13.Gerschow, ‘Diary of the Duke of Stettin’s Journey through England’ in op. cit., p. 15.

  14.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, p. 42 and notes.

  15.Henry Howard to Edward Bruce, in Goodman, The Court of James the First, Vol. 1, p. 97n.

  16.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, p. 43.

  42The Hollow Crown

  1.Harington: Nugae Antiquae, pp. 321, 33.

  2.Harington, A Tract on the Succession to the Crown, AD 1602, p. 45.

  3.HMC, Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury . . . Preserved at Hatfield House, Hertfordshire, Vol. 12, pp. 583–7; The Letters of Arbella Stuart (ed Sara Jayne Steen) (1994), p. 121.

  4.The ambassador’s name was Giovanni Carlo Scaramelli.

  5.CSPV 9 (1135).

  6.William Camden, The History of Elizabeth, Late Queen of England, 3rd edition (1675), Bk IV, p. 659.

  7.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, p. 160.

  8.CSPV 9 (1143).

  9.Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works (ed May), p. 235.

  10.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, p. 105.

  11.Katherine Howard, Countess of Nottingham.

  12.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, pp. 106, 107.

  13.Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus (ed Henry Foley) (1877), pp. 54, 57.

  14.De Lisle, After Elizabeth, pp. 114, 144.

  15.CSPV 9, p. 558.

  16.Catherine Loomis, ‘Elizabeth Southwell’s Manuscript Account of the Death of Queen Elizabeth (with text)’ in English Literary Renaissance (autumn 1996), p. 486; E. Arbert, English Stuart Tracts 1603–1693 (1903), p. 4.

  17.Queen Elizabeth I: Selected Works (ed May), p. 10.

  18.John Manningham, The Diary of John Manningham of the Middle Temple 1602–1603 (ed Robert Parker) (1976), pp. 208, 209.

  19.Hall, Chronicle Vol. 2, p. 145; CSPS Simancas 1 (144); Manningham, Diary, p. 209.

  20.Sir Roger Wilbraham, The Journal of Sir Roger Wilbraham for the years 1593–1616 (ed Harold Spencer Scott) in Camden Miscellany 10 (1902), p. 55; de Lisle, After Elizabeth, p. 140.

  21.John Lane, An Elegy Upon the Death of Our Most High and Renowned Princess, Our Late Sovereign Elizabeth (1603).

  Epilogue

  1.Mark Lansdale and Julian Boon, a forensic psychologist, spent eighteen months analysing records from the period spanning the king’s life. Their research, commissioned by the Richard III Society, concludes he showed few signs of the traits psychologists would use to identify psychopaths today – including narcissism, deviousness and lack of empathy in close relationships. Instead, it argues, Richard III exhibited signs of suffering from a common psychological syndrome known as ‘intolerance to uncertainty’ which ‘is associated with a number of positive aspects of personality, including a strong sense of right and wrong, piety, loyalty to trusted colleagues and a belief in legal processes – all exhibited by Richard.’ They say their analysis indicates Richard III was unlikely to have murdered his two nephews, one of whom was to have taken the throne, in the Tower. They argue he would have been ‘more likely to have removed them to a secret place of safety’.

  2.Much of what I have said on what Elizabeth learned from Mary is inspired by Judith M. Richards. See ‘The Two Tudor Queens Regnant’, History Today, Issue 53 (December 2005), p.7–12.

  3.Anne McLaren, ‘Memorialising Mary and Elizabeth’ in Tudor Queenship (ed Hunt and Whitelock), pp. 11–27.

  4.The Renaissance altar erected by Pietro Torrigiano, under which Edward was buried and which was to be Henry VII’s monument as well as Elizabeth’s,
was removed during the Civil War, the steps levelled and the ‘stately screen of copper richly gilt’ sold to tinkers. Elaborate stained glass put in by Henry VII, which he requested be decorated with ‘stories, images, arms and badges’, was similarly broken and replaced with white glass. New stained glass was put in during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. One – the central east window celebrating the Virgin Mary – is a nod to the original name of what is now called the Henry VII Chapel.

  5.Henry VII had disinterred Katherine of Valois from the Lady Chapel while it was being re-built. He was proud of his Valois blood and had given his grandmother’s presence in Westminster Abbey as a major reason for choosing to be buried there. Her body, loosely wrapped in lead from the chapel roof, had been placed by Henry V’s tomb monument and was still awaiting reburial when he died. Shockingly, however, for the next two hundred years she had remained abandoned in a coffin above ground, covered by lose boards that exposed her skeleton from the waist up. In 1669 the diarist Samuel Pepys celebrated his birthday by playing a small fee to give her a kiss, and during the eighteenth century, her body, still exposed, was described as only, ‘thinly clothed, with flesh like scrapings of tanned leather’(John Dart, West-monasterium, (1723) Vol II p.38). It was Queen Victoria who eventually buried Katherine where she lies today.

  6.As well as Owen Tudor, a number of other notable people were buried at Greyfriars including members of the Chaundos, Cornewall and Pembridge families (who were probably all benefactors of the friary). After the Dissolution, the tomb of Sir Richard Pembridge (a renowned knight) was moved to the nave of Hereford Cathedral where it can still be seen. There appears to be no information on what happened to the other bodies buried at Greyfriars. Owen Tudor’s grave is said to have been in a chapel or chantry on the northern side of the friary church. Dr Nigel Baker, who has carried out an in-depth study of Hereford, thinks it is likely that Owen Tudor’s body is still at the Greyfriars site, along with others. Unfortunately, all remains of the friary have been removed, and it is uncertain where the church was actually situated. There has been little archaeological work done there, although when part of the site was dug over for allotments in 1918 ‘rough stone foundations’ were found along with fragments of monastic tiles. In 1933, during digging for drainage trenches, three skeletons were discovered, although their precise location was not recorded. None of them had been decapitated. The Greyfriars site is now mostly covered by housing built in 1971. Thanks to Melissa Seddon of Herefordshire Archeology, Herefordshire Council.

  APPENDICES

  1What Happened to the body of James IV

  1.Ulpian Falwell, The Flower of Fame.

  2.L&P 1 (2469).

  3.Stow, Survey of London, pp. 258, 259. (Also note that James V asked for his father’s body to be returned in 1532. Hester Chapman, The Sisters of Henry VIII (1969), p. 146.)

  2The Mysterious Quarrel between Henry VIII and Margaret Douglas

  1.The numerous payments Margaret Douglas and her husband made that year to chantry priests, who prayed for souls in purgatory, indicate they were conservative, but Henry VIII’s will also paid priests to pray for his soul. L&P 21, Pt II (181).

  2.British Library Harleian MS 289, ff. 73–5.

  3.For the Lennoxes’ full version, see British Library Cotton MS Caligula B VIII, ff. 184–5.

  4.British Library Harleian MS 289, ff. 73–5.

  5.British Library Cotton MS Caligula B VIII, f. 165. ‘The Political Life of Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox, c. 1530-1578’, by Morgan Ring, Gonville and Caius College (2012).

  6.From John Gough Nichols, The Herald & Genealogist 8 (1874), accessed online at archive.org.

  7.See her will online at National Archives Prob. 11/60.

  8.Stow MSS 956. The picture of Henry VIII is based on the Holbein portrait of 1536 which alone disproves the romantic claim that it was once owned by Anne Boleyn. The words are Richard Croke’s collection of twelve psalm paraphrases in octosyllabic quatrains (the Penitential Psalms, plus Pss. 18/19, 12/13, 42/43, 105/106 and 138/139). It also includes a ‘Veni Creator’ in the same metre. Although the psalms are in English, nothing about Croke’s paraphrases – which are translated directly and literally from the Vulgate – points to a particularly reformed sensibility. They look very much like an outgrowth and adaptation of the rhymed hymns in English Books of Hours. Also see Tait, ‘The Girdle Prayer Book or “Tablett”’ p. 30 (Jewellery Studies, Vol. 2 (1985), pp. 29–57).

  3Guildford and Jane Dudley

  1.Prince Philip of Spain and William of Orange.

  2.The first reports were those of Giulio Raviglio Rosso and Giovanni Commendone; Girolamo Pollini came much later.

  3.See her comments concerning Guildford written in her own hand in her prayer book, Chapter 30.

  4.The Chronicle of Queen Jane (ed Nichols), p. 55.

  5The Obscure Margaret Clifford, Heir to the Throne 1578–96

  1.CSPV 6, p. 107.

  2.This was either Margaret Russell, daughter of the Puritan the Earl of Bedford, who was married to the Earl of Cumberland, or her sister Anne, who was married to Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, i.e. it was either Margaret Clifford’s stepsister-in-law, or Robert Dudley’s sister-in-law. CSPS 2 (592).

  3.This was a view represented by William Allen, the later cardinal. The seminary he had founded at Douai had been closed in March 1578 by Calvinist advances in the region.

  4.PRO Prob 11/88, ff. 217–8. She died in 1596.

  5.CSPS Simancas 2 (593). The Venetians heard that Margaret was accused of wishing to poison Elizabeth. CSPV (774).

  6.Margaret Clifford to Francis Walsingham, undated: Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas, Memoirs of the Life and Times of Sir Christoper Hatton (1847), pp. 146–7. Stow refers to the execution taking place in November 1580, but it had taken place by the time this letter was written in May 1580 (I suspect in November 1579).

  7.Some said of her eldest son Ferdinando, Earl of Derby, that he was ‘of all three religions [i.e. Protestant, Puritan and Catholic] and others of none’. Doleman, Conference About the Next Succession, p. 253. The Catholic exile in question, Richard Hesketh, was examined and executed.

  Index

  Albany, John Stuart, Duke of: struggles with Margaret, Queen of Scots, for regency, 138–9; at French court, 142; takes over regency of Scotland and Margaret’s children, 148, 149–50; begs Margaret to stay in Scotland, 151–2; to be recalled to France, 154; gives Angus permission to visit Margaret, 167

  Alexandra, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, 119

  Anabaptists, 293

  Angus, Archibald Douglas, Earl of: marriage to Margaret, Queen of Scots, 138–9; asks Henry VIII’s agents for help against Albany, 149–50; goes to Linlithgow, 151; comes to accommodation with Albany and returns to Scotland, 152; marriage annulled, 167; seizes power in Scotland, 177; seeks refuge in England, 177, 178; unable to help imprisoned daughter, 211

  Anjou, Duke of, 355, 357, 359, 361, 420

  Anne of Beaujeu, 61

  Anne of Cleves, 220–2

  Anne of Denmark, 380

  Aquinas, St Thomas, 161

  Armada, 368, 374–8

  Armel, St, 57

  armour, 68

  Arran, Earl of, 138

  Arthur, King, 64, 65, 81–2, 179–80, 207

  Arthur, Prince of Wales: appearance and character, 103, 106; birth, 83–4; created Prince of Wales, 86; marriage planned, 99, 101, 102; household at Ludlow, 103; marriage, 105–9, 125–6, 174; death, 110–11

  Arundel, Henry Fitzalan, Earl of, 310, 321

  Ascham, Roger: The Schoolmaster, 417–18

  Astley, John, 246

  Astley, Kat, 245–6, 247–8, 296, 310–11

  Audley, Lord, 98

  Aylmer, John, 418

  Babington, Anthony, 368–9

  Barnet, Battle of (1471), 37–8

  Barton, Elizabeth (‘Holy Maid of Kent’), 188, 190

  Bath, Knights of the, 127

  Beauchamp, Edward, Lord
, 324, 331, 380, 382

  Beaufort, Lady Margaret: Lancastrian descent, 2; background, 15–16; character, 21–2; piety, 21, 27–8, 59, 107, 128–9; betrothal to Tudor, 14, 15–17; attitude to Henry VI, 16–17; marriage to Tudor, 19–20; husband’s death, 20; Henry VII’s birth, 20–1; marriage to Stafford, 21; takes refuge at Pembroke while Edward IV makes himself king, 26; reaction to stepfather’s death, 27; educates son, 27–8; surrenders him to Herbert’s wardship. 28; writes to him, and curries favour at court, 30; finds favour with Elizabeth Woodville, 31–2; visits son, 32; entertains Edward IV, 32; sends men to discover son’s fate after Edgecote Moor, 34; reunited with son in London, 35–7; news of Barnet reaches, 37–8; husband’s death, 39; marriage to Stanley, 40; married life, 41; petitions Buckingham re son, 48–9; attends Richard III’s coronation, 49; negotiates for son to marry Elizabeth of York, 53–4, 56; raises money for his return from exile, 56; imprisoned by husband after Buckingham’s plot, 66; supports son’s invasion, 67; he gives her Richard III’s Book of Hours, 73; reunited with son in London, 75–6; takes charge of Warwick briefly, 76, 77; and her son’s coronation, 77, 79; and Arthur’s birth, 83–4; status and household, 84–5; relationship with Elizabeth of York, 85–6; and Elizabeth Woodville’s retirement, 87; reaction to East Stoke, 90; and Elizabeth of York’s coronation, 90–1; arthritis, 103, 119; and Arthur’s marriage, 105, 107; vow of celibacy, 107; translations of religious works, 107; fondness for Henry VIII, 107–8; and Margaret’s marriage to James IV, 109, 113–14; stays close to Henry VII in his declining years, 117–18; power at Collyweston, 118; tends dying son, 119; at Henry VIII’s coronation, 127; death and tomb, 4, 127–8; assessment, 128–9

  Beaulieu, 251–2

  Becket, Thomas, 218–19

  Belvoir Castle archives, 422

  Benedetto de Rovezzano, 242

  Bess of Hardwick, 348–50, 352, 363–4, 388–9

  Bishop, Thomas, 326, 328, 412–14

  Blount, Elizabeth, 155, 160

  Boleyn, Anne: appearance, 161–2; background, 143, 162–3; Henry VIII courts, 161–2, 163–4; he seeks annulment to marry her, 165–75; and Henry VIII’s last days of marriage to Katherine of Aragon, 178–9, 181–2; and attempt on Fisher’s life, 180; marriage, 183; coronation, 184–6; Elizabeth’s birth and christening, 187–8; miscarries, 190; 1535 progress, 193; fears for future, 194–7; miscarries again, 195; fall, 198–203; taken to Tower and tried, 203–5; death, 207–8; Elizabeth I’s ongoing reverence for, 299, 305, 392

 

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