by Jack Beatty
28 For Burckhardt on Alsace-Lorraine, see Wehler, The German Empire, 93.
29 The following account closely follows David Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, and the reporting in the New York Times. See the dispatches for October 19, 1913; November 4, 1913; November 21–23, 30, 1913; December 1–8, 20, 21, 24, 25, 28, 1913; January 6–8, 11, 12, 14, 16, 31, 1914; February 2, 1914. Also see the London Times and the Chicago Tribune for many of the same days.
30 For Wedel and the kaiser’s youthful indiscretion, see John C. G. Röhl, “The Emperor’s New Clothes: A Character Sketch of Kaiser Wilhelm II,” 43–51. For kaiser’s paean to the “Army,” see Röhl, The Kaiser’s Personal Monarchy, 2. For “more than a thousand Alsatians” in the paragraph above, see Cerf, Alsace-Lorraine Since 1870, 96. This 1919 book smacks of wartime propaganda, casting doubt on the veracity of that number.
31 Gooch, Franco-German Relations, 6.
32 David Schoenbaum, Zabern 1913: Consensus Politics in Imperial Germany (London: Allen & Unwin, 1982), 112.
33 Alex Hall, Scandal, Sensation, and Social Democracy: The SPD Press and Wilhelmine Democracy 1890–1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 140.
34 New York Times, December 20–21, 1913, editorial.
35 Kevin McAleer, Dueling: The Cult of Honor in Fin-de-Siècle Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 41, 114–17. For “specially ground” sword, see the London Times, January 12, 1914.
36 McAleer, Dueling, 25. Also see “Dueling and Maltreatment in the German Army,” the London Times, March 21, 1906.
37 For SPD, see McAleer, Dueling, 33; Eckart Kehr, Economic Interest, Militarism, and Foreign Policy: Essays on German History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977). For “Liebknecht,” see Liebknecht, Militarism, 91, For Marx, see David Blackbourn, Class, Religion and Local Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Centre Party in Wurttemberg before 1914 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), 3. For “middle-class parties,” see Craig, Germany, 338.
38 New York Times, December 4, 1913.
39 For Bethmann’s uniform, see Alex Hall, Scandal, Sensation, and Social Democracy: The SPD Press and Wilhelmine Germany 1890–1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 117. For royal banquets, see Wehler, The German Empire, 156. For “transgressed its authority” and “Austrian ambassador,” see Konrad H. Jarausch, The Enigmatic Chancellor: Bethmann Hollweg and the Hubris of Imperial Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), 451, n. 37, 102.
40 New York Times, December 4, 1913. For Bethmann as “leafless trunk,” see Theodor Wolff, The Eve of 1914 (London: Gollancz, 1935), 342. For stenographic transcript, see German History in Documents and Images, vol. 5 of Wilhelmine Germany and the First World War, 1890–1918, Parliament Debates in the Zabern Affair (1913). Available online at www.ghi-dc.org.
41 Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 125, 140.
42 London Times, December 7, 1913, February 13, 1914.
43 Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 125; New York Times, December 7, 1913.
44 For SPD support for a parliamentary system of government, see Richard Breitman, “Negative Integration and Parliamentary Politics: Literature on German Social Democracy, 1890–1933,” Central European History 13, no. 2 (1980): 183–84. For insignificant, see Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 156. For Saxon, see Jarausch, The Enigmatic Chancellor, 103.
45 For “Chancellor crisis,” see the London Times, December 6, 1913. For SPD hesitations, see Craig, Germany, 300. Quotation from Düsseldorf Volkzeitung from Mary Nolan, Social Democracy and Society: Working-Class Radicalism in Düsseldorf, 1890–1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 235.
46 Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 131.
47 See the London Times, December 20, 1913, and the New York Times, December 20, 1913.
48 For spiked helmets, see the London Times, January 6, 1914; New York Times, January 7, 1914.
49 Quotations from press opinion in the London Times, January 11, 1914. For the kaiser’s 1912 threat to smash the constitution of Alsace-Lorraine, see Barry Cerf, Alsace-Lorraine Since 1870 (New York: Macmillan, 1919), 88.
50 See Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 154–55, 158–59. For “middle-class parties,” see Craig, Germany, 300; Bethmann quotation from Schoenbaum, 157.
51 For “permanent threat of Staatsstreich,” see Wehler, The German Empire, 200; phrase seen in David Blackbourn, Class, Religion and Local Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Centre Party in Wurttemberg before 1914 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980), 4.
52 Craig, Germany, 174–78.
53 For Bismarck’s resignation, see Pflanze, Bismarck and the Development of Germany, 358–73. For Bülow, see Brett Fairbairn, Democracy in the Undemocratic State: The German Reichstag Elections of 1898 and 1903 (Toronto: University of Toronto Pres, 1997), 235.
54 For Waldersee, fighting in insurgent towns, and the enemy within, see Wehler, The German Empire, 158.
55 On broadening of SPD appeal, see Matthew Jeffries, Contesting the German Empire, 1871–1918 (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008), 115.
56 Figures on voting in Prussia seen in Hett, “The Captain of Köpenick,” 30. For 1912 elections, see Carl E. Schorske, German Social Democracy, 1905–1917: The Development of the Great Schism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955), 226–41, and franchise issues, 150.
57 Nolan, Social Democracy and Society, 233 chart, 236.
58 Schorske, German Social Democracy, 168.
59 For Crown Prince, see the London Times, January 23, 1914. Details on the memo are from Schoenbaum, Zabern, 1913, 11–13 and V. R. Berghahn, Germany and the Approach of War in 1914 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973), 163. Meinecke seen in Wehler, The German Empire, 218. For Hitler and Pan-Germans, see Fritz Fischer, “Twenty-Five Years Later: Looking Back on the ‘Fischer Controversy’ and Its Consequences,” Central European History 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 219
60 London Times, January 23, 1914. For ass, see Wolff, The Eve of 1914, 320. On the SPD and the general strike: “If the idea of answering a general mobilization order with a call for a general strike ever formed part of accepted social-democratic thinking, it did so for a very short time only, and even this may be an exaggeration.” Typical of SPD rhetoric in this respect was the 1913 Reichstag declaration of Hugo Hasse that “we have always emphasized the impossibility, once war has broken out, of organizing a mass strike.” Dieter Groh, “The ‘Unpatriotic Socialists’ and the State,” Journal of Contemporary History 1, no. 4 (October 1966): 159, 163.
61 London Times, January 23, 1914.
62 The kaiser’s 1905 quotation is from Fritz Fischer, From Kaiserreich to Third Reich: Elements of Continuity in German History (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986), 46.
63 See Craig, Germany, 300–301. For suspending civil rights for Jews, see Roger Chickering, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886–1914 (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1984), 287. For the kaiser’s anti-Semitism and 1919 letter, see John C. G. Röhl, The Kaiser and His Court: Wilhelm II and the Government of Germany (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 348.
64 For lecture, see the London Times, January 6, 1914.
65 For von Papen’s coup and Hindenburg’s ear, see Anthony Grenville, “Authoritarianism Subverting Democracy: The Politics of Carl Zuckmayer’s ‘Der Hauptmann von Köpenick,’ ” Modern Language Review 91, no. 3 (July 1996): 643–44. Also see Craig, Germany, 417, 561–62. For “pretext,” see Richard Breitman, “On German Social Democracy and General Schleicher 1932–33,” Central European History 9, no. 4 (December 1976): 354.
NOTES FOR CHAPTER 2
1 Leon Trotsky, 1905 (New York: Random House, 1971), v. For Nicholas’s letters, see Orlando Figes, A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution, 1891–1924 (New York: Penguin, 1996), 24. Also, Mark D. Steinberg, The Fall of the Romanovs: Political Dreams and Personal Struggles in a Time of Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 6.
2 For the Durnovo Memorandum, see Frank Alfred Golder, ed., Document
s of Russian History 1914–1917 (New York: Century, 1927), 3–28. For supply crisis in 1915, see V. I. Gurko, Features and Figures of the Past: Government and Opinion in the Reign of Nicholas II (Palo Alto: Stanford, 1939), 549–50. Also see Dominic Lieven, “Bureaucratic Authoritarianism in Late Imperial Russia: The Personality, Career, and Opinions of P. N. Durnovo,” Historical Journal 26, no. 2 (June 1983): 391–402.
3 David MacLaren McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy in Russia 1900–1914 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 199, 203, 202.
4 For Novoe vremia, see I. V. Bestuzhev, “Russian Foreign Policy February–June 1914,” Journal of Contemporary History 1, no. 3, (July 1966): 100–01.
5 For warming trend, see Serge Sazonov, Fateful Years, 1909–1916 (London: Cape, 1928), 117. For Chandler, see Thomas K. McCraw, ed., The Essential Alfred Chandler: Essays Toward a Historical Theory of Big Business (Cambridge: Harvard Business School Press, 1988), 48.
6 For Korean venture, see Gurko, Features and Figures of the Past, 295. Also David Schimmelpennick van der Oye, “The Immediate Origin of the War,” and V. I. Lukoianov, “The Bezobrazotsky,” in John W. Steinberg et al., eds., The Russo-Japanese War in Global Perspective: World War Zero (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2005–2007). For Nicholas to Stolypin, see Maurice Paléologue, An Ambassador’s Memoirs (New York: Doran, 1923), 98. For “being,” see The Memoirs of Count Witte (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1990), 190. For more on the war see Dietrich Geyer, Russian Imperialism: The Interaction of Domestic and Foreign Policy 1860–1914 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 230.
7 For “young physician,” see Barry Scherr, “The War in the Russian Literary Imagination,” in Steinberg et al., The Russo-Japanese War, 155–56.
8 On effects of war on revolution, see John Bushnell, “The Specter of Mutinous Reserves: How the War Produced the October Manifesto,” in Steinberg, The Russo-Japanese War, 333–348.
9 Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 191. For explained to mother, see Dominic Lieven, Nicholas II: Emperor of All the Russias (London: Murray, 1993), 149.
10 “No war … no revolution,” is Bushnell’s formulation, “The Specter of Mutinous Reserves,” 348.
11 McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy, 110. The theme of avoiding war to avoid revolution follows McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy in Russia and David M. McDonald, “A Lever Without a Fulcrum: Domestic Factors and Russian Foreign Policy, 1905–1914,” in Hugh Ragsdale, ed., Imperial Russian Foreign Policy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993). For Stolypin’s reforms, see Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 224. For full pacification, see McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy in Russia, 117. For “twenty years,” see Norman Stone, Europe Transformed (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), 197. For more on Stolypin’s program, see Peter Waldron, Governing Tsarist Russia (London: Palgrave, 2007), 93–94, repression on 92.
12 McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy in Russia, 103–11.
13 Ibid., 114–17, also McDonald, “Fulcrum Without a Lever,” 288–90. For proposed Anglo-Russian attack on the Straits, see M. S. Anderson, The Eastern Question, 1774–1923 (New York: Macmillan, 1966), 280. For border dispute with Persia and background on the Straits, see William L. Langer, “Russia, the Straits Question and the European Powers, 1904–1908,” English Historical Review 44, no. 3 ( January 1929): 59–85.
14 For Austrian records, see Steve Beller, Francis Joseph (New York: Longman, 1996), 196. Aehrenthal’s “readiness to cheat” and “rascally glee” as well as “Serbian historian” seen in Luigi Albertini, The Origins of the War of 1914, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1952), 191, 210, 300. For background, see Geoffrey A. Hosking, The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma, 1907–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 228–33. Also, McDonald, United Government and Foreign Policy, chap. 6, 127–51.
15 For Nicholas to his mother, see Dominic Lieven, Nicholas II, 249.
16 For German ultimatum, see Bernadotte E. Schmitt, The Annexation of Bosnia 1908–1909 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), 194ff. For “diplomatic Tsushima,” see Robert D. Warth, Nicholas II: The Life and Reign of Russia’s Last Monarch (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997), 183.
17 For shift in terms of alliance, see Bernadotte E. Schmitt, The Annexation of Bosnia 1908–1909 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), esp. 201–07 and 249–53. For Bismarck’s disavowal of designs on the Balkans, see Michael Stürmer, The German Empire (New York: Modern Library, 2000), 35.
18 For Stolypin’s assassination, see Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 230, and Kokovtsov, 271–72.
19 Characterization of Kokovtsov from Nicholas de Basily, The Abdication of Emperor Nicholas II of Russia (Princeton: Kingston Press, 1984), 68.
20 For “Black Hundreds,” see Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 197. For Durnovo, see Sarah Abrevaya Stein, “Faces of Protest: Yiddish Cartoons of the 1905 Revolution,” Slavic Review 61, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 732–61. For pogroms, see Stone, Europe Transformed, 200. For number of pogroms, the tsar’s portrait, and Nicholas to his mother see Sergei Podbolotov, “… and the entire mass of Loyal People Leapt Up”: The Attitude of Nicholas II Towards the Pogroms,” Cahiers du Monde russe 45, no. 1–2 (January–June 2004): 195, 96, 99. The author exonerates Durnovo of any knowledge of the anti-Semitic pamphlets printed by his ministry and quotes his orders to regional governors to suppress pogroms.
21 For Kiev pogrom (1905), see William C. Fuller, The Foe Within: Fantasies of Treason and the End of Imperial Russia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), 44. For Mendel Beilis, see Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 241–44. For “Bogrov,” see Abraham Ascher, P. A. Stolypin: The Search for Stability in Late Imperial Russia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001): 380–89. For “Even as they waited,” see Robert K. Massie, Nicholas and Alexandra (New York: Atheneum, 1967), 216–17. For Kokovtsov’s comments, see H. H. Fisher, ed., Out of My Past: The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1935), 272–74.
22 Kokovtsov, Out of My Past, 274–75. For Nicholas on “Englishman,” see Witte, Memoirs, 189. For “nightmare” and “guiltless mass,” see Podlbolotov, 200. For Nicholas’s role in the notorious 1913 trial for “ritual murder” of Mendel Beilis, see Hans Rogger, “The Beilis Case: Anti-Semitism and Politics in the Reign of Nicholas II,” Slavic Review 25, no. 4 (December 1966): 615–29. Nicholas knew Beilis was innocent before he came to trial “but carried on with the prosecution in the belief that his conviction would be justified in order to prove that the Jewish cult of ritual murder was a fact,” Figes, A People’s Tragedy, 243.
23 Kokovtsov, Out of My Past, 349.
24 L. C. F. Turner, Origins of the First World War (New York: Norton, 1970), 34. “Joffre” is from The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, 371. For “reforms,” see George Edward Snow, “The Kokovtsov Commission: An Abortive Attempt at Labor Reform in Russia in 1905,” Slavic Review 34, no. 4 (December 1972): 780–96.
25 Sazonov, Fateful Years, 288.
26 The description of Sukhomlinov is from Massie, Nicholas and Alexandra, 271. Sukhomlinov’s career and marriage is the subject of William C. Fuller Jr., The Foe Within: Fantasies of Treason and the End of Imperial Russia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), which is also the source of “lasted for a couple of hours” in the paragraph above, 80. For number of machine guns, see Alan K. Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial Army: The Old Army and the Soldiers’ Revolt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 74.
27 For “banquets,” see Kokovtsov, Out of My Past, 340. For Nicholas on “public opinion,” see Witte, Memoirs, 190.
28 Bestuzhev, “Russian Foreign Policy February–June 1914,” 103.
29 Sidney Bradshaw Fay, The Origins of the World War, vol. 11 (New York: Macmillan, 1928), 298. These are 1914 figures. For a comparison of this crisis with that of July 1914, see David Stevenson, “Militarization and Diplomacy in Europe before 1914,” International Security 22, no. 1 (Summer 1997): 140–60.
Unless otherwise indicated, all subsequent quotations from the meeting with Nicholas are from The Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, 340–49, hereafter cited as Kokovtsov.
30 Kokovtsov. For Alexander, see Fay, Origins of the World War, 480.
31 Kokovtsov, continued. L. C. F. Turner, “The Russian Mobilization in 1914,” Journal of Contemporary History 3, no. 1 (January 1968): 66–67. Fay, Origins of the World War, 67; George F. Kennan, The Fateful Alliance: France, Russia, and the Coming of the First World War (New York: Pantheon, 1984). For Alexander listening to the Marseillaise, see David M. McDonald, “The Durnovo Memorandum in Context: Official Conservatism and the Crisis of Autocracy,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 1, no. 4 (1996): 488.
32 Luigi Albertini, The Origins of the War of 1914, vol. 1 (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), 401. For Francis Ferdinand, see E. C. Helmreich, “An Unpublished Report on Austro-German Military Conversations of November, 1912,” Journal of Modern History 5, no. 2 (June, 1933): 200.
33 For the shift in the French commitment, see the discussion in Albertini, The Origins of the War of 1914, 402–26, quotations are from 424, 407. Also see Gordon Wright, Raymond Poincaré and the French Presidency (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1942), 29. “Poincaré presented the idea that Russia might drag France into a war originating in the Balkans, but by ceasing to restrain his ally this one time he showed that the French government would accept such a war if necessary.” For Poincaré’s denial see Bernadotte Schmitt, Foreign Affairs 5, no. 1 (October 1926): 132–47. “When Izvolski telegraphed St. Petersburg in November 1912 that Poincaré had said that ‘it was for Russia to take the initiative … the role of France to lend her the most active assistance’—[Poincaré] protested this interpretation of his language” by an ambassador who “was not ashamed to substitute his own ideas for those of his government” or to misrepresent the views of the French government. For “Russia will not fight,” see William C. Wohlforth, “The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance,” World Politics 39, no. 3 (April 1987): 359; for British cable, see Fay, Origins of the World War, 328. For “Foch” and “Wilson,” see John C. Cairns, “International Politics and the Military Mind: The Case of the French Republic, 1911–1914,” Journal of Modern History 25, no. 3 (September 1953): 275.
