Dollars and Sex

by Marina Adshade

  DOLLARS

  AND SEX

  HOW ECONOMICS INFLUENCES SEX AND LOVE

  DR. MARINA ADSHADE

  Copyright © 2013 by Marina Adshade.

  All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without written permission from the publisher.

  ISBN 978-1-4521-2695-1

  The Library of Congress has previously catalogued this as follows:

  Adshade, Marina.

  Dollars and sex : how economics influences sex and love / by Marina Adshade.

  p. cm.

  Includes bibliographical references.

  ISBN 978-1-4521-0922-0

  1. Interpersonal relations—Economic aspects. 2. Sex—Economic aspects. 3. Mate selection—Economic aspects. I. Title.

  HM1106.A334 2013

  306.7—dc23

  2012031593

  Designed by Allison Weiner

  Cover illustration by Arthur Mount

  Chronicle Books LLC

  680 Second Street

  San Francisco, California 94107

  www.chroniclebooks.com

  CONTENTS

  INTRODUCTION

  CHAPTER 1: Love the One You’re With

  CHAPTER 2: Hooking up in College

  CHAPTER 3: Love in Cyberspace

  CHAPTER 4: You Complete Me

  CHAPTER 5: Marriage Is a Fine Institution

  CHAPTER 6: Bringing Home the Bacon

  CHAPTER 7: The Next Generation Comes of Age

  CHAPTER 8: Naughty by Nature

  CHAPTER 9: Love in the Sunset (Years)

  FINAL THOUGHTS

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  INDEX

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  INTRODUCTION

  HAVE YOU EVER WONDERED if national well-being is higher in countries in which men have larger penises than in those in which men are less well-endowed? Or, more to the point, does it surprise you to learn that upon discovering the “Global Penile Length Distribution Map” that an economist started looking around for an economic question that the data might answer?

  Economics is called the dismal science, but it didn’t earn that moniker because economists failed to predict the most recent global recession or, for that matter, pretty much every recession in history. It is because erstwhile economist-cum-parish priest Thomas Malthus, at the end of the eighteenth century, predicted that as long as British peasant women couldn’t keep their knees together there was no hope for society to prosper.

  When it comes to sex, Malthus, admittedly, was a bit of a downer. But not all economists take such a dismal view of what is one of life’s sweetest pleasures. In the past ten years, in particular, there has been a frenzy of research activity as academics have eagerly used economic theory and data in exploration of matters of the heart—and other body parts.

  The resulting body of literature is a collection of theories and evidence that would give anyone, frankly, a hard-on for economics.

  Which was exactly the reaction I was looking for when four years ago it occurred to me that talking about sex and love could be a terrific way to get my university students excited about the prospect of learning economics.

  Over time I came to realize that what started out as a fun collection of topics designed to help my students understand the way that markets operate was evolving into a completely novel way for them to understand their place on the market for sex and love. They began to appreciate the way in which economics influences their mating behavior and to apply the concepts we covered in class to their own lives.

  It wasn’t just my students’ perspective that was changing. Once I started exploring ways to apply economic reasoning to issues of sex and love, I came to realize how much clarity viewing the world through an economist’s lens affords me when thinking about more intimate matters in my own life.

  Let me give you a brief, personal, example.

  I had never really thought that online dating sites were a good place for me to look for a mate (for reasons that I will talk about later). But then I started to think about the difference between thick and thin markets. Markets that are thin have few participants, making it difficult for buyers and sellers to settle on a price at which they both want to trade. Markets that are thick, however, have many participants, meaning that it is possible to settle on a price at which both buyer and seller are willing to trade.

  Online dating sites really are thick markets. If I interpret the “price” at which I am willing to trade, as both buyer and seller on this market, in terms of meeting a man who is the best possible match for me, while at the same time I am the best possible match for him, then it actually makes sense for me to search online for a relationship. It’s not because it is easier (in many ways it is not) but because in a thicker market it should be possible for me to find a man with whom to have a higher-quality relationship.

  That is my theory, at least; I have yet to test it.

  I argue that almost every option, every decision, and every outcome in matters of sex and love is better understood by thinking within an economic framework. In fact, I would go further than that and say that without taking into consideration economic forces, our understanding of the world around us is incomplete. That is as true when we are trying to decide if we believe the government should subsidize access to birth control as it is when we are trying to decide if we believe that the government should bail out big business. It is as true when we are assessing the costs of being personally promiscuous as it is when assessing the costs of spending one more year of our lives in school. And it is as true when we are choosing whether or not we want to risk having sex outside of our marriage as it is when we are choosing whether or not we want to risk putting our savings into the stock market.

  Dollars and Sex is a collection of different styles of stories that illustrates the way in which economic theory can complete our understanding of sexual relationships in today’s world. Some are short stories, scattered throughout the book, that illustrate how economic forces can influence an individual’s sexual behavior (all are true, to some degree, with the names changed to protect the sometimes less-than-innocent). Some are stories told with data. Statistics have the power to reveal the choices of, literally, thousands of men and women in a way that satisfies the economic desire to find measurable relationships between particular situations and the decisions that people in those situations make. Finally, there are the stories that give us a framework for understanding the decisions we all make at some points in our lives. Those are the stories told by the economic theories that are used to model the markets for sex and love.

  The book is organized in three acts, each representing a different stage of our lives, with each act broken down into three chapters.

  In act I, I consider the lives of those who are young, wild, and free. Revolutions are often started for economic reasons, and the Sexual Revolution was no different; the liberalization of sexual values over the second half of the twentieth century is an economic story in which individuals have weighed the cost of premarital sex against the benefits and decided that the answer to the question “Should I have sex tonight?” is “Why not?” One group that has embraced this liberalized view of sexuality with enthusiasm is college students, but their market for sex and love is not necessarily in equilibrium. Now that female students outnumber male students, there is more casual sex on college campuses and traditional dating has gone the way of the dinosaurs. Speaking of the end of traditional dating, the final chapter in act I is about the online market for sex and love; on behalf of the economics profession, I would like to take this opportunity to thank you for participating in this massive data-collection exercise that has helped us understand how men and women everywhere search for love.

  Most of us eve
ntually reach a stage of our lives when we feel that the person who has been leaving a toothbrush at our place for months really should stay a little longer, which brings us to act II. In marriage, as in life, we don’t always get what we want, but hopefully we have set our reservation value for a mate high enough and have sufficient opportunities to exploit the gains from trade within marriage, that we get what we need (romantic, I know; wait until you see my idea for economic wedding vows!). Marriage is not always the union between one man and one woman; there are alternatives to that arrangement, and economic factors have played a big role in influencing which arrangements are legally, and socially, acceptable. The final chapter in act II is about the way in which couples decide whose turn it is to be on top. Okay, that is a bit of an oversimplification, but we will talk about bargaining within marriage because, as everyone who has been married knows, the negotiations don’t stop just because the marriage contract has been signed.

  Inevitably, we reach act III. In this stage of our lives, our children are growing up and having sex lives of their own. Some school systems take a multidisciplinary approach to sex education; after reading the first chapter in act III, I think you will agree that economics should be included on the list of classes in which sexual behavior is discussed. I will also tell you an economic story about the people who weigh the costs of extramarital sex against the benefits and decide, sometimes with and sometimes without the knowledge of their partner, that the answer to the question “Should I have sex outside my marriage?” is “Why not?”—even if they regret that decision later. And finally, as the sun sets over the horizon, we will talk about the fastest-growing market for sex and love—the market in which men and women are hooking up, and sometimes settling down, in the second half of their lives.

  Here are a few things to keep in mind as you read through Dollars and Sex.

  The first is that empirical evidence, the stories that are told to us by the data, and economic theories are not intended to describe the behavior of everyone in society but rather the behavior of people on average. Human behavior is complex, and ultimately the choices we all make are a function of our individual preferences. As an example, the evidence suggests that, on average, women have strong preferences to date men who share their ethnic background. You might read that evidence and think that it isn’t true because that is not your preference. That response is inevitable because, in reality, there is a distribution of preferences between those women who would never date outside of their ethnicity and those women who would never date within it. What this observation means is that the midpoint on this distribution lies closer to the side in which women prefer to date within their ethnicity than to the side in which women prefer to date outside their ethnicity. That is the average preference, and while it may not be true for you, it can still help you understand the behavior of others.

  This brings me to my second point, and that is that none of the evidence in this book comes from public opinion polls. Economists are interested in the choices individuals actually make, not the choices individuals say they would make when given options. We put our faith in a concept called revealed preference to tell people’s stories; we observe the decisions that they make and infer their preferences from that information. So, for example, we don’t ask women how they feel about dating men who are of different ethnicities from themselves. If we did, most women, for obvious reasons, would feel compelled to say that they have no same-race preference. Instead we use data collected from online dating sites or speed-dating events to see the type of men that women choose to meet. The observation that women more often than not express interest in meeting men of their same ethnicity reveals to us that this is the preference of the average woman.

  The third point is that our discussion here will focus exclusively on how people actually behave rather than on how people should behave. I want to make it clear from the beginning that I have no interest in talking about “good” and “bad” or “right” and “wrong” behavior, either from the perspective of the individual or from that of the society at large. It is not that I don’t think that those conversations are important, but, as an economist, it is not my job to judge people based on their behavior.

  Oh, and before we begin, you probably want to know the answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this introduction. The answer is yes and no—when it comes to penis size and economic well-being, all the action is in the tails of the distribution, so to speak. Countries in which the average penis size is small tend to be worse off. As penises get bigger, however, national incomes increase but only up until a certain point, after which bigger penises are associated with smaller national incomes. Countries in which penises are large, on average, tend to be worse off, although not necessarily on every dimension (clearly). I like to call this relationship the Boner Curve. I wouldn’t put too much stock in these results, though as far as (economic) models go; it is pretty easy to get this one to give you what you are looking for.1

  1 These results are based on a paper written by a courageous doctoral student at the University of Helsinki, Tatu Westling.

  CHAPTER 1

  LOVE THE ONE YOU’RE WITH

  CASANOVA USED LEMONS AS CONTRACEPTIVES

  It’s 2003, and this is what the keynote speaker, an eminent macroeconomist from the University of Pennsylvania, has just said: “Casanova used lemons as contraceptives.” The lunch crowd, a group of attentive economists, is now wide-eyed. While 95 percent of the room (the men) wonder “How the hell does that work?” the other 5 percent of the room (the women) think “Ouch!” I, a member of the latter group, note for future reference the effect of weird sexual facts on audience engagement.

  Casanova’s seductive behavior aside, the speaker is making a very good point: The liberalization of sexual values during the twentieth century is an economic story. In this case, the Penn economist is arguing that new technologies, in the form of effective contraceptives, have shaken the great cost-benefit analysis of, well, coitus. The analysis, conducted by millions of women and men each day, goes like this: “Should I have sex tonight, or not?”

  This new “technology,” along with changes in education and equality, has completely transformed the sexual landscape. If you doubt that it is economic factors that have been at play in the transition to a more promiscuous society, consider the following evidence:

  • In 1900, only 6 percent of unmarried 19-year-old women were sexually active compared with 75 percent of unmarried 19-year-old women a century later.

  • Contraceptive technology has become increasingly effective at preventing pregnancy over the last half century, and yet the number of births to unmarried women has increased from 5 percent to 41 percent over the same period.

  • Despite this trend toward a greater number of births outside of marriage, 66 percent of Americans still believe that out-of-wedlock births are bad for society.

  • Premarital sex is strongly tied to family income; girls who live in the poorest households are 50 percent more likely to be sexually active than are girls in the richest households.

  • Premarital sex may have become the norm, but it has not become completely destigmatized; only 48 percent of women and 55 percent of men under the age of 35 think that premarital sex is not morally wrong.

  • Attitudes toward teen pregnancy are tied to family income; 68 percent of girls in higher-income households report that they would be “very upset” by a pregnancy compared with 46 percent of girls in lower-income households.

  • Marriage is increasingly a privilege enjoyed by the rich; in the 1960s, almost equal shares of people with college degrees and people with only a high school education were married (76 percent and 72 percent). Today the marriage rate of less-educated people has fallen to 48 percent while that of college-educated people has stayed relatively high at 64 percent.

  • According to the Pew Research Center, young adults in the 19-to- 29-year-old age range, more than any other generation, don’t see the point of marriage
, with 44 percent reporting that the institution is obsolete and with only 30 percent agreeing with the statement “Having a successful marriage is one of the most important things in life.”

  To illustrate how these behaviors and beliefs have come together to transform our sexual landscape, let me begin with a tale of a woman who has lived her life in three parts.

  This is the story of Jane who, at the age of 17, ran away from home. Up to that point, Jane had been a good student in an all-girls boarding school. It was not really the type of school that a student leaves to work as a hotel chambermaid and live in a seedy building in an underprivileged neighborhood. But while every other girl in her class went off to university (in search of husbands and degrees), Jane chose another path.

  In the year that Jane lived this way, she spent her time with female companions whose perspective on life was very different from hers. Unlike her, they had grown up in poverty. Some were sex workers, having entered the trade in their early teens, following the path of their sex-worker mothers. A few had migrated from different parts of the country to be near their boyfriends, who were incarcerated locally. Others had fallen off the precipice at a very early age and had never been able to climb their way back up.

  As it turns out, Jane’s friends (even the ones who were not sex workers) were extremely promiscuous; they had sexual relations with a variety of men, some of whom treated them well and others who did not. Their promiscuity was not the result of a lack of moral fortitude. The economic forces at work made it so their answer to “Should I have sex with him tonight?” was almost always “Why not?”

  What are those economic forces?

  Well, first of all, education. Starting in the early 1980s and up to the present, workers hoping to be economically successful have needed a college education. This has been true not only because educated workers’ earnings are climbing, but also because the wages of workers with lowest education levels are falling. In fact, Jane’s one year in the ghetto was near the beginning of a thirty-year decline in real earnings for those with a high school education or less, a decline that would turn the gap between educated and noneducated worker’s wages from a narrow crack to a yawning fissure.