Victoria’s Scottish Lion
Page 54
56 Martin, R.M., The Indian Empire, VIII, 410.
57 Thompson, 53.
58 Maclagan, Clemency Canning, 138.
59 The Times, 25 September 1857, 7.
60 Lancaster Gazette, 24 October 1857.
61 Herbert, 26, 59.
62 Russell, My Diary in India, I, 164.
63 The Times, 31 August 1857, 7.
64 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 273.
65 Majendie, 294.
66 Thompson, 44.
67 Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War, II, 401.
68 PP.H/C.East India (Mutinies), 1857–58, Vol.XLIV, Pt. I, 156.
69 Hare, II, 273.
70 Stokes, The Peasant Armed, 47.
71 Calcutta Review, Vol.XXIX, 392.
72 PP.H/C.East India, 1857-58, Vol.XLII.131.
73 Hurd, 87.
74 Cavendish, 123.
75 Fortescue, XIII, 292.
76 RA/VIC/ADDE/1/788.
77 Douglas and Dalhousie, II, 439–45.
78 Hare, II, 266.
79 Malleson, II, 120–1.
80 RA/VIC/MAIN/Z/502/17.
81 Beames, 92.
82 Duff, 252.
83 Majendie, 71.
84 Victoria, III, 317.
85 Gordon-Alexander, 35; Grant, 203; Russell, My Diary in India, I, 170.
86 Gordon-Alexander, 31.
87 Alison, 483.
88 Hare, II, 288.
89 Shadwell, I, 427.
90 Fortescue, XIII, 275.
91 PP.H/C.East India (Mutinies), 1857–58, Vol.XLIV, Pt. I, 209.
92 Ruggles, 54.
93 Forrest, Selections, II, 193.
94 RA/VIC/ADDE/1/13255; Shadwell, I, 416; Outram, Campaign in India, 284.
95 Alison 483.
96 Stokes, The Peasant Armed, 32, 40.
97 Llewellyn-Jones, 155.
98 Kaye, Lives of Indian Officers, III, 225.
99 Llewellyn-Jones, 156.
100 Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary, 282, 45.
101 Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War, II, 274.
102 Russell, My Diary in India, I, 222.
103 Hare, II, 292.
104 Forbes-Mitchell, 179.
105 Campbell, G., Memoirs, I, 233.
106 Trevelyan, 300.
107 Bombay Times, 27 January 1858.
108 Lancaster Gazette, 24 October 1857.
109 Punch, 7 November 1857.
110 Maclagan, Clemency Canning, 144.
111 Wylly, Neill’s Blue Caps, II, 94.
112 White, 135.
113 Kaye, Lives of Indian Officers, III, 240–4.
114 Maude and Sherer, II, 526.
115 Ruddiman Steuart, 181; Forbes-Mitchell, 20.
116 The Tablet, 3 October 1857, 632.
117 Victoria, III, 317.
118 Hare, II, 308.
119 RA/VIC/MAIN/Z/502/23.
120 Gordon-Alexander, 209.
121 Outram, Campaign in India, 285.
122 Knollys, I, 153.
123 Fortescue, XIII, 283.
124 Forrest, Selections, II, 197.
125 Outram, Campaign in India, 258.
126 Shadwell, I, 424.
127 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 294.
128 Roberts, F., Letters, 106.
129 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 282; Outram, Campaign in India, 321.
130 Fortescue, XIII, 313.
131 Maude and Sherer, II, 544.
132 Barker, 82.
133 Outram, Campaign in India, 18.
134 Harris, G., 120.
135 Danvers, 113.
136 Outram, Campaign in India, 322.
137 Forrest, Selections, II, 255.
138 Harris, G., 124.
139 Danvers, 138.
140 Gubbins, 334.
141 Outram, Campaign in India, 258.
142 Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny, II, 71.
143 Ruutz Rees, 257–8.
144 BL/IOR/Mss.Eur.C124/1.
145 RA/VIC/ADDE/1/758.
146 Outram, Campaign in India, 321.
147 Shadwell, I, 433.
148 Douglas and Dalhousie, II, 453.
149 Edwardes, M., Battles, 102.
150 Alison, 484.
151 Bartrum, 49.
152 Kavanagh, 67.
153 Gubbins, 362–4.
154 Ruutz Rees, 253.
155 Hilton, 106.
156 Edwardes, M., Battles, 102; Inglis, Lady, 156; Pearson, 76.
157 Hilton, 83.
158 Chick, 246.
159 Ruggles, 57.
160 Chick, 245.
161 Ruggles, 58.
162 Hare, II, 312.
163 PP.H/C.East India (Mutinies), 1857–58, Vol.XLIV, Pt. I, 357.
164 Shadwell, I, 438.
165 The Times, 12 November 1857.
166 Malleson, II, 147.
167 Martin, R.M., Indian Empire, VIII, 464.
168 Alison, 487.
169 Ruutz Rees, 296.
170 Grant, 157.
171 Majendie, 70.
172 Hare, II, 332.
173 Shadwell, I, 448.
174 Hare, II, 337.
175 Shadwell, I, 451, II, 5.
176 Allgood, ‘Journal’, ii; Lang, 127; Ewart, II, 65.
177 RA/VIC/ADD/MSS/E1/776.
178 Ruutz Rees, 302.
179 Harris, G., 153.
180 Malleson, II, 164; Gubbins, 385; Hare, II, 409.
181 RA/VIC/ADDE/1/776 and E/1/788.
182 Duff, 388.
183 Outram, Campaign in India, 340, 362.
184 Alison, 489.
185 Forrest, Selections, II, 222.
186 Kavanagh, 76.
187 Forbes-Mitchell, 33.
188 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 294.
189 Shadwell, I, 455.
190 Alison, 489.
191 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 286; Outram, Campaign in India, 357.
192 Allgood, ‘Journal’, iii; Maude and Sherer, II 338.
193 Kavanagh, 96.
194 Allgood, ‘Journal’, iv.
195 Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary, 56.
196 Roberts, Forty-One Years in India, II, 311.
197 Lang, 138.
198 Roberts, Forty-One Years in India, II, 314.
199 Alison, 492.
200 Allgood, ‘Journal’, vi.
201 Gordon-Alexander, 69.
202 Forrest, Selections, II, 341.
203 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 323.
204 Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny, II, 146.
205 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 323.
206 Forbes-Mitchell, 46.
207 Gordon-Alexander, 82.
208 Swiney, 208.
209 Forbes-Mitchell, 65.
210 Gordon-Alexander, 89.
211 Lang, 139.
212 Innes, 57.
213 Rizvi and Bhargarva, II, 121.
214 Forbes-Mitchell, 42–3.
215 Lang, 139.
216 Roberts, F., Letters, 103.
217 Gordon-Alexander, 103.
218 Forrest, Selections, II, 342.
219 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 304–5.
220 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 331.
221 Alison, 493.
222 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 332.
223 Gordon-Alexander, 111.
224 Lee-Warner, Memoirs, 185.
225 Gordon-Alexander, 112–16; Forbes-Mitchell, 76.
226 Forrest, Selections, II, 342.
227 Rowbotham, 271.
228 Gordon-Alexander, 113.
229 Alison, 494.
230 Gordon-Alexander, 113.
231 Forbes-Mitchell, 80.
232 Lang, 140.
233 Forbes-Mitchell, 81.
234 Gordon-Alexander, 120–2.
235 Forbes-Mitchell, 82.
236 Knollys, I, 294.
237 Maude and
Sherer, II, 539.
238 Forrest, Selections, II, 260.
239 Maude and Sherer, II, 539.
240 Gordon-Alexander, 131.
241 Gubbins, 390.
242 Maude and Sherer, II, 363.
243 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 338.
244 Norman, 27.
245 Lang, 141.
246 Metcalfe, H., 62, 57.
247 Marshman, 436; Outram, Campaign in India, 378.
248 Lee-Warner, Memoirs, 188.
249 Outram, Campaign in India, 296.
250 Forrest, Selections, II, 336.
251 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, 1, 342.
252 Kavanagh, 76.
253 Outram, Campaign in India, 377.
254 Inglis, Lady, 198.
255 Polehampton, 348.
256 Roberts, Forty-One Years in India, II, 345.
257 Gubbins, 407.
258 Inglis, Lady, 199.
259 Germon, 121.
260 Forbes-Mitchell, 42.
261 Ruggles, 106.
262 BOD/MS.Eng.Misc.e.1476.
263 Majendie, 247.
264 Case, 288.
265 Grant, 193.
266 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 318.
267 Forrest, Selections, II, 351.
268 Gubbins, 409.
269 Gordon-Alexander, 140.
270 Norman, 28.
271 Inglis, Lady, 200.
272 Gubbins, 409.
273 Harris, G., 163.
274 Maude and Sherer, II, 548.
275 Outram, Campaign in India, 40–1.
276 Gordon-Alexander, 143.
277 Outram, Campaign in India, 378.
278 Forrest, Selections, II, 336–7; Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary, 38.
279 Gubbins, 415.
280 Harris, G., 161; Inglis, Lady, 197; BOD/MS.Eng.Misc.e.1476.
281 Inglis, Lady, 204.
282 Knollys, I, 301.
283 Allgood, ‘Journal’, ix.
284 Roberts, Forty-One Years in India, II, 354.
285 Norman, 30.
286 Forrest, Selections, II, 351.
287 Gordon-Alexander, 148.
288 Ruutz Rees, 347; Gubbins, 417; Fayrer, 239; Inglis, Lady, 206.
289 Roberts, F., Forty-One Years in India, II, 357.
290 Polehampton, 354.
291 Germon, 125–7.
292 Harris, G., 171.
293 Shadwell, II, 23.
294 Wolseley, Story of a Soldier’s Life, I, 323.
295 Ruutz Rees, 346.
296 Duff, 210.
297 General Order, 23 November 1857.
10
Deliverer
* * *
‘Many years must elapse ere the evil passions excited by these disturbances expire; perhaps confidence will never be restored; and if so, our reign in India will be maintained at the cost of suffering which is fearful to contemplate’
William Russell
* * *
‘Never since the first Napoleon encamped on the coast of Picardy’, declared The Times, ‘has this country been so nearly touched in all that it holds dear as by the present mutiny.’1 Consequently, when news of the evacuation reached London the sense of relief was abundant. ‘The horrible phantom, which for weeks has haunted the imagination of every Englishman, the dread that another holocaust of helpless victims had been sacrificed to the demons of lust and murder … is at last banished’, announced The Tablet.2 That said, the cheers were more muted than in September. Both public and media were wary of over-egging another relief in case it again turned out to be anything but. When it printed the news on Christmas Eve, The Times did little more than repeat the official telegrams. It was not until the new year that the papers began to flesh out the bare facts. The news that Campbell had left Lucknow to the rebels came as a shock. ‘Tho’ we look justly on the relief … as a great triumph’, wrote Lady Canning, ‘they [the sepoys] can and do, claim it as our defeat.’3 ‘The effect will be disastrous to us throughout not only Oudh, but the whole of India’, complained the Bombay Times.4 Fortunately for Campbell, press attention was distracted, at the dramatically perfect moment, by the death of the hero of the piece.
By the time he had reached the Dil Khooshah, Havelock was ailing. ‘The hand of death is upon me. God Almighty has seen fit to afflict me for some good purpose’,5 he told Grant. ‘He complained on the 22nd of feeling very weak and exhausted, and from that hour literally sank from no apparent cause but exhaustion’, reported Captain Willis. ‘It seems that the news of his honours were so exciting to him that it virtually killed him.’6 Within hours he was dead, in Campbell’s estimation ‘a martyr to duty’, the news reported tactlessly by Windham with the telegram ‘All going well at Alumbagh. General Havelock died two days ago.’7
General Windham. Photograph by R. Fenton. (Courtesy of the Library of Congress)
That Havelock had incurred twice as many deaths fighting his way into Lucknow as Campbell, and failed to extricate the garrison, was quietly forgotten. He had kept British hopes alive in the dark days of July and August, and as a devout Baptist, he was a convenient exemplar of Christian faith, imperial expansion and moral certainty; infinitely more attractive traits for the Victorian public than Campbell’s Scottish pragmatism. Havelock’s actions, however quixotic, had been front-page news before Campbell even arrived in Calcutta, and this time it was he who was cast as the friendless, anti-aristocratic symbol for the masses, the ‘plebeian Havelock’ as Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper called him.8 Reports of his death triggered universal grief back home. ‘It has fallen upon the British public with the suddenness of a thunderclap’, reported The Times, ‘and the regret expressed by all, both high and low, is such as can be scarcely surpassed by the lamentation of the nation on learning of the death of Nelson in the hour of victory, or of Sir John Moore.’9 Not only in Britain was he mourned: in Baltimore, New York and Boston, ships lowered their flags to half-mast. Parliament voted £1,000 a year to his widow. The Havelock memorial fund was soon rich enough to erect a statue in Trafalgar Square. In the clamour, the real saviours were neglected. ‘How I wish I could fly to them and place a wreath of laurels on dear Sir Colin’s and Colonel Inglis’s brows!’ the queen confessed to the Duke of Cambridge.10
Punch, 2 January 1858.
With the women and children evacuated and the central protagonist dead, for the newspapers that was an end to the saga. Punch’s cartoon of 2 January showing Campbell delivering a chained tiger, marked ‘India’, to Palmerston, said it all.* The press now turned to that other great imponderable, whether Mr Brunel would ever get his mammoth ship Leviathan into the Thames. But Campbell still had to get his charges to Calcutta, across nearly 1,000 miles of countryside teeming with dacoits and rebels. Having given Outram 4,000 men, twenty-five guns and ten mortars to keep the flag flying at the Alumbagh,** he had only Grant’s division left to escort the civilians. They set out for Cawnpore on 27 November, carts and wagons trundling along ‘the narrow road, raised like a railway embankment’, as Gordon-Alexander recalled, with ‘the cavalry, infantry, elephants and camels making the best of their way through the country on each side of the road … at that time of year much cut up by watercourses, ponds and swampy ground’.11 ‘The confusion … was perfectly indescribable’, complained Mrs Bartrum. ‘Such numbers of wagons, bullocks, and camels, loaded with baggage, that we were constantly stopped on the road, and had to wait sometimes for an hour before we could get on.’12 ‘Our line of march extended for several miles’, remembered Dr Fayrer. ‘It was very straggling, the escort placed here and there along it. There was nothing one could see to prevent an active and determined enemy from cutting us all up. Some of their cavalry could be seen hovering about in the distance.’13 So long was the procession that, according to Roberts, ‘the head had almost reached the end of the march before the rear could start’.14 The last of them did not reach camp until after midnight, having covered 17 miles that day – fast going for a column we
ighed down with civilians, sick and wounded.
They camped 2 miles beyond Bunnee Bridge, where the road crossed the Sye River. ‘When we arrived at Bunnee,’ reported Campbell, ‘we were surprised to hear very heavy firing in the direction of Cawnpore. No news had reached me from that place for several days; but it appeared necessary, whatever the inconvenience, to press forward as quickly as possible.’15 Unfortunately, the good ladies of Lucknow would never have consented to a forced march that night, so the column rested and resumed its journey at 9 a.m. the next morning. ‘The day was intensely hot’, recalled Surgeon Munro. ‘The roads were ankle deep in dust, which, stirred by the long lines of men, sick-bearers, baggage animals, vehicles, artillery, and cavalry, hung around the column in a dense, suffocating cloud.’16 ‘We moved along at a foot’s pace and had several stoppages’, reported Lady Inglis. ‘As the day wore on we heard the sound of distant guns, evidently in the direction of Cawnpore; this excited much conjecture and anxiety,* and the officers who passed us on the road seemed as much in the dark as we were.’17 Just before midday a native messenger emerged from behind a hedge with a message from General Windham. Tantia had descended on Cawnpore. His rebel army had savaged the British so severely that Windham was considering abandoning the town and retreating to Wheeler’s old entrenchment. This Windham was desperate to avoid. ‘Why, it had been so hastily constructed and was so weak and unfinished that it could not have resisted a bombardment from even half the mortars the enemy had brought with them’, he complained.18 He begged Campbell return with all speed. The message was two days old. Shortly afterwards two further notes arrived in quick succession, revealing that Windham had indeed given up Cawnpore and was now behind Wheeler’s insubstantial parapet.
While Campbell had been assaulting Lucknow, Windham had forwarded those reinforcements arriving in Cawnpore to the Alumbagh in accordance with the commander-in-chief’s orders. But as his anxiety over Tantia’s intentions rose, he had requested Campbell’s permission to keep some back, permission he received on 14 November. This had allowed his garrison to expand to around 1,700 men and ten guns by the 25th. Nevertheless, Windham was worried. He had heard nothing from Campbell since 19 November. After rebels surprised the small British contingent at Bunnee, Windham had sent out a detachment of the 27th Madras Native Infantry to retake it and preserve communications, but still he received no word from Lucknow. Then, on the 23rd, a request arrived from the commander-in-chief for ten days’ worth of rations. Windham inferred that Campbell was surrounded, leaving the Gwalior rebels free to fall on Cawnpore.