The Bastard of Fort Stikine

by Debra Komar

  “when the Governorship”: Ibid., 52.

  “got the worst of the scuffle”: Ibid., 42.

  “Simpson was forced”: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 315.

  Thomas Simpson sent to the far north: In Emperor of the North, James Raffan argues that such a solution “shows George Simpson at his best” (293), prioritizing continued good relations with aboriginal people over his own well-being. I argue it shows Simpson at his laziest, shipping off troublemakers rather than dealing with the underlying problem.

  “not calculated”: Simpson’s Character Book, 184.

  “jealousy of his rising name”: A. Simpson, The Life and Travels of Thomas Simpson, 338.

  149 “Fame I will have”: Ibid., 340.

  Thomas Simpson receives the Royal Geographic Society medal: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 318.

  Thomas Simpson’s cause of death: Ibid., 319.

  “committed suicide”: Marjory Harper, Thomas Simpson: Dingwall’s Arctic Explorer (Dingwall, Scotland: Ross & Cromarty, no date), 5.

  “if Simpson had wanted”: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 322.

  Thomas Simpson buried in a pauper’s grave: Ibid.

  150 Three researchers question Simpson’s culpability: Marjory Harper in Thomas Simpson: Dingwall’s Arctic Explorer, Vilhjalmur Stefansson in Unsolved Mysteries of the Arctic (New York: Macmillan, 1942), and James Raffan in Emperor of the North have openly questioned whether George Simpson orchestrated the attack on Thomas from afar. It is not only historians who feel this way. At the time of the murder, the victim’s brother held George Simpson accountable for the death. He claimed the Governor had driven the victim from HBC service through his “callous disregard for his welfare and sneers at his superior education and intelligence” (quotation from Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 150, although he is referencing A. Simpson, The Life and Travels of Thomas Simpson, 21-22).

  “Mr. Dease’s name”: McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years’ Service, 240.

  George Simpson represses Thomas Simpson’s achievements: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 323.

  Thomas Simpson’s Fame: Ibid.

  Simpson knighted: Ibid., 4.

  “fed by their wings”: Ibid., 354. Newman (Caesars of the Wilderness, 217) translates it as “I am fed by birds.”

  “It is sometimes pleasant”: Attributed to Baron Modar Neznanich, cited in Raffan, Emperor of the North, 354.

  “The bauble perishes”: McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years’ Service, 388.

  151 Simpson’s investiture envisioned: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 331.

  Queen Victoria’s height: Christopher Hibbert, Queen Victoria: A Personal History (London: HarperCollins, 2000), 61-62.

  “Sir George owes his ribbon”: McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years’ Service, 387-88.

  Chapter Ten: An Irresistible Force, an Immovable Object

  153 The war between Simpson and McLoughlin Sr.: Viewing the skirmish from a safe distance, historians have trivialized the duel with lopsided analogies that paint Simpson as the “pawky little bantam” to Dr. McLoughlin’s “grizzled giant” (Raffan, Emperor of the North, 171, paraphrasing Galbraith’s “cocky bantam” versus “proud giant” [Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 77]) or — taking the literal measure of each man — the “Big Doctor” versus the “Little Emperor” (Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 169, who in turn was paraphrasing from Lamb, “Introduction,” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series).

  “McLoughlin’s loyalty”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 176.

  “the pill without daring to complain”: McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years’ Service, 387.

  “ludicrously unrealistic”: Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 48.

  “You are pleased to jest”: McLean, Notes of a Twenty-Five Years’ Service, 336.

  “the prepossessing manners” and “his cold and callous heart”: Ibid., 383.

  154 “Simpson expected to rule”: Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 77.

  “It is evident Mr. McLoughlin” and “difficult and troublesome”: George Simpson’s letter to Deputy Governor and the Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, January 5, 1843.

  “I had no power”: Ibid.

  “many worthless characters”: Ibid. Simpson went on to defend his assessment of each man, writing: “Phillip Smith…was described to me…as a steady well conducted man and…I had every reason to believe that he merited the character that was given of him.…Of Fleuri [sic] I have not so good an opinion, and should not be disposed to place much reliance on his testimony if any advantage could arise to him by withholding the truth; but in the present case, I do not see that there is any good reason for doubting his statements.…Of George Heron’s character I know but little, but I have never heard anything to his prejudice; on the contrary, there was an impression on my mind that he was a well conducted man, and he gave his evidence with much clearness. On a close comparison of the evidence of some of these people, it is possible that inconsistencies may be found; but I have no hesitation in again repeating my belief, that the main features are correct.…some of those Whites were anxious to fasten the charge upon an Iroquois named Antoine, who, however, appeared to me perfectly innocent of it.”

  155 “became slothful and insolent”: Cited in Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 36.

  “the very dross”: Ibid.

  “If humoured with trifles”: George Simpson, letter to Duncan Finlayson, September 29, 1820, reprinted in E.E. Rich, ed., Journal of Occurrences in Athabasca Department by George Simpson, 1820 and 1821 and Report (Toronto: Champlain Society for the Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1938), 63-64.

  “to find it is better”: George Simpson’s letter to Deputy Governor and the Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, January 5, 1843.

  “led [him] to suppose”: Ibid.

  “From what Mr. McLoughlin knew”: Ibid.

  “informed by their servant La Graise”: Ibid.

  “which I afterwards found”: Ibid.

  156 “at Least as much”: McLoughlin Sr., letter to George Simpson, February 1, 1844, in which he cited Simpson back to himself.

  “Simpson was indispensable”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 182.

  “crime was clearly” and “the charges of habitual intoxication”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 168, who was in turn citing Lamb, “Introduction” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, xli.

  157 “[The] evidence taken”: Archibald Barclay, letter to George Simpson, September 4, 1843, reprinted in Lamb, “Introduction,” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, Second Series, xli-xlii.

  “has not been allowed to triumph”: Ibid.

  “the persons placed there”: Governor Pelly and the Committee, letter to McLoughlin Sr., September 27, 1843, reprinted in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, Second Series, 300-310.

  “You have thus”: Ibid.

  Lamb feels McLoughlin Sr. was too personal in his attacks: Lamb, “Introduction,” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, xliii.

  “already damned himself,” “saved,” and “lost all sense”: Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 146.

  158 “may be the fabrications”: Governor Pelly and the Committee, letter to McLoughlin Sr., September 27, 1843.

  “that such scenes”: Ibid.

  “Is murder not to be punished”: McLoughlin Sr., letter to George Simpson, February 1, 1844. As letters spent months in transit, it was not uncommon for the timing of correspondence to be wildly out of sync.

  “I presume there is no place”: Ibid.

  159 “cold brave man”: Quotation attributed to John Sebastian Helmcken, cited in Barry M. Gough, “Sir James Douglas as seen by his contemporaries: A preliminary list,” BC Studies 44 (Winter 1979-80): 32-50, quotation on page 47.

  “Old Square-Toes”: Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness, 302; see also John D. Adams, Old Square-Toes and His Lady (Victoria, BC: Horsdal and Schubart, 2002).

  “get on by dint�
��: Margaret A. Ormsby, “Douglas, Sir James,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 10 (Toronto/Quebec City: University of Toronto Press/Université Laval, 2003), www.biographi.ca/en/bio/douglas_james_10E.html.

  “imperious, penny pinching”: Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness, 301.

  160 “gentleman of the interior”: Adams, Old Square-Toes and His Lady, 43.

  “mulatto of elegant mien”: Newman, Caesars of the Wilderness, 301.

  “furiously violent”: Cited in Ormsby, “Douglas, Sir James.”

  “under watch and ward”: Cited in Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 168.

  “to be a man”: Adolph Etoline, letter to McLoughlin Sr., September 1, 1843, translation from original French in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, Second Series, 329.

  161 “I am going”: Kannaquassé’s narrative.

  Men remanded to McLoughlin Sr.: John Henry Pelly, letter to George Simpson, November 3, 1843, cited in Lamb, “Introduction,” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, xlv.

  Wrangel informs Pelly the Russians had no jurisdiction: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 172.

  “more fudge alleged”: Archibald Barclay, letter to George Simpson, November 18, 1843, cited in ibid.

  “If these men cannot be tried”: Ibid.

  “money was the real reason”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 170.

  “the expense involved”: Ibid., 172.

  “worth the trouble”: Ibid.

  162 “I am no Lawyer But”: McLoughlin Sr.’s letter to Governor Pelly and the Committee, November 10, 1844, cited in Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 171.

  “the Warrant of a Magistrate” and “until instructions come”: McLoughlin Sr., letter to Governor Pelly and the Committee, November 18, 1843.

  Sent to Canada for trial: According to McLoughlin Sr.’s letter to the Governor and Committee, November 20, 1844, Pressé had been injured and could not make the trip. McLoughlin sent Kannaquassé, Heroux, Lasserte, Kawannassé, Belanger, Captain Cole, Kakepé, Aneuharazie, Fleury, Heron, Leclaire, Smith, Martineau, and McPherson to York Factory as either perpetrators or witnesses. William Spencer accompanied the group, serving as an interpreter (see also endnote 107 in Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 190).

  Dr. McLoughlin would prosecute the killers himself: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 170.

  “[If] the prisoners either escape unpunished”: George Simpson, letter to Governor Pelly and the Committee, June 21, 1844.

  “to make up a statement”: Ibid.

  “simply cut off”: Raffan, Emperor of the North, 349. McLoughlin Sr. wrote of incurring Simpson’s wrath, “for which my salary of five hundred pound p annum is stopped.”

  Simpson pays the accused men: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 180.

  163 “pile upon pile of”: Archibald McDonald, letter to George Simpson, April 27, 1843, quoted in Lamb, “Introduction,” in Rich, McLoughlin’s Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, xliv.

  “I fear the Dr.”: John Tod, letter to Edward Ermatinger, March 10, 1845, cited in ibid.

  “even McLoughlin ran out”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 171.

  “About that time”: Harvey, “The Life of John McLoughlin,” 22.

  “Douglas was 17”: Ibid., 24. She also noted that her father “was not so pompous as Sir James Douglas” (ibid., 23).

  164 Hopkins’s instructions: Galbraith, The Little Emperor, 126; see also the accession notes for Simpson’s Remarks on the depositions in the HBC Archive finding guide.

  “We shall not quote”: George Simpson, Remarks on the depositions.

  “From the forgained”: Ibid.

  Chapter Eleven: Putting Flesh to Bone

  165 “a fascinating, if somewhat pathetic”: Foster, “Killing Mr. John,” 149.

  “The dispute between the two”: Newman, Empire of the Bay, 142. In Caesars of the Wilderness, 294-95, Newman dedicated several paragraphs to the event.

  166 “In all fairness”: Willard E. Ireland, “McLoughlin’s letters, 1839-1844,” The Beaver 24, no. 2 (1944): 45-46.

  169 “a bullet which”: Benoni Fleury, deposition before George Blenkinsop and Sir George Simpson, June 26, 1842, E13/1, folio 69-81, HBCA. Phillip Smith tells an identical story: “the ball entering between the shoulders near the spine and exiting through the throat above the breast bone” (Phillip Smith, deposition before Sir George Simpson, April 26, 1842).

  “having broken the spine”: Pierre Kannaquassé’s narrative. A similar description is found in the depositions taken by James Douglas of Antoine Kawannassé, William Lasserte, and Okaia. Regarding the gunshot wound, the only dissenting voices belonged to Kannaquassé and McPherson, men whose involvement in the crime casts some suspicion on the credibility of their accounts. Even so, both men described the exact same injury. In his later deposition, Kannaquassé simply reversed the trajectory of the bullet, suggesting “the ball [had] entered at the upper part of the breast a little below the gullet and came out a little below the shoulders” (Kannaquassé’s deposition). McPherson reported the same wound but was uncertain as to the direction of fire: “a Ball having passed through his Body either ent’ring between the Shoulders near the Spine and coming out at the Throat or entring at the Throat and coming out between the Shoulders” (Thomas McPherson, deposition before George Simpson, April 26, 1842).

  “the wounds made by the ball”: Kannaquassé’s narrative.

  “Indian trade” or fuke: The fuke or Indian trade gun used is described in detail in Charles E. Hanson, Northwest Guns (Lincoln, NE: Bison Press, 1956), and S. James Gooding, Trade Guns of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1670-1970, Historical Arms New Series No. 2 (West Hill, ON: Museum Restoration Service, 2003).

  “the Deceased was about”: McLoughlin Sr., letter to John Fraser, February 17, 1844, reprinted in Barker, The McLoughlin Empire, 251.

  Both men of similar stature: Although McLoughlin Sr.’s height was recorded for posterity, his son’s and Heroux’s were not. Both men were described as “big.” At the time that meant near or above six feet in height.

  170 Lasserte’s location: Lasserte would later claim (in his deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843) that he was hiding in the blacksmith shop when the murder occurred, but Louis Leclaire — who was hiding in the smithy and whose story never changed over time — did not corroborate that claim. Furthermore, Lasserte repeatedly stated he had actually witnessed the murder, impossible for a man hiding in a closed workshop. In the same deposition, Lasserte also revised his account, saying he was unarmed at the time of the murder, which contradicted his prior statements. Kannaquassé saw Lasserte and noted “the back end of his gun resting on the top rail…in readiness to fire” (from Kannaquassé’s narrative).

  “The night was clear”: Charles Belanger, deposition before James Douglas, May 2, 1843. Lasserte claimed he knew Heroux by his “red worsted cap, which he had on” (William Lasserte, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843).

  “in a stooping position”: Kannaquassé’s narrative.

  171 “Look where the balls”: Louis Leclaire, deposition before Donald Manson, August 19, 1842, with an addendum August 25, 1842.

  172 “I examined his arm”: Charles Belanger, deposition before James Douglas, May 2, 1843.

  “I heard no report”: Antoine Kawannassé, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843.

  “I saw no blood”: Thomas McPherson, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843.

  McLoughlin exaggerates injury: Lasserte testified: “I saw Mr. McL after Fleury had torn his shirt sleeve & he complained of having been wounded in the arm by a ball, but there was no appearance of any wound on his arm” (William Lasserte, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843). See also Charles Belanger, deposition before James Douglas, May 2, 1843.

  “I saw him tear”: Simon Aneuharazie, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843.

  No bullet wound to arm: Kawannassé stated: “The deceased had no other wound except the gu
nshot in the back and the cut on the forehead” (Antoine Kawannassé, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843). His testimony was corroborated by Okaia: “I saw every part of the body while washing it and could discover no injury except a cut on the forehead, and a gunshot wound in the upper part of the breast bone near the gullet. Every other part of the body appeared sound and uninjured” (Okaia, deposition before James Douglas, June 2, 1843).

  “one of his hands”: Antoine Kawannassé, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843. McPherson concurred: “One of his hands was also a little swelled” (Thomas McPherson, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843).

  “had hurt it”: Thomas McPherson, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843.

  173 “a large gash”: Antoine Kawannassé, deposition before James Douglas, April 22, 1843. Belanger also mentioned “a deep cut on the forehead” (Charles Belanger, deposition before James Douglas, May 2, 1843), as did George Heron: “a severe cut in the forehead as if inflicted with some heavy weapon” (George Heron, deposition before Donald Manson, August 19, 1842, with an addendum August 25, 1842).

  “a perpendicular cut”: Kannaquassé’s narrative.

  “from an Indian with”: Recounted in Kannaquassé’s narrative.

  “lying on his side”: Captain Cole, deposition before Donald Manson, July 24, 1843. Belanger corroborated the story; immediately after the shot, he saw the body lying on its face “with the rifle under it” (Charles Belanger, deposition before James Douglas, May 2, 1843). George Heron concurred (George Heron, deposition before Donald Manson, August 19, 1842).

  “and with one hand”: Kannaquassé’s narrative. At times, the narrative was written in the third person by the recording officer.

  “did not appear to be”: Powkow, deposition before James Douglas, May 18, 1843. A similar report can also be seen in Kanakanui, deposition before James Douglas, May 10, 1843.

  McLoughlin’s breath laboured: Captain Cole, depositions before Manson and Douglas; and Nahua, deposition before Manson (August 26, 1842, E13/1, folio 1-63, HBCA). Okaia noted that the deceased “was still breathing” in his deposition before Donald Manson, August 23, 1842.

  “writhing in the Agonies”: McLoughlin Sr., letter to John Fraser, April 12, 1843, in Barker, The McLoughlin Empire, 249-51.