The Invasion of Canada

by Pierre Berton

  Five days pass during which time Harrison has no idea of Winchester’s position or intentions. Then on the night of the sixteenth he hears from Perkins at Lower Sandusky that Winchester has reached the rapids and wants reinforcements, apparently contemplating an attack.

  The news alarms him – if it were in his power he would call Winchester off. He sets off at once for Lower Sandusky, travelling so swiftly that his aide’s horse drops dead of exhaustion. There he immediately dispatches a detachment of artillery, guarded by three hundred infantrymen, to Winchester’s aid. The camp at the rapids is only thirty-six miles away, but the roads are choked with drifting snow, and the party moves slowly.

  Two days later, on January 18, he receives confirmation of Winchester’s intention to send a detachment to relieve Frenchtown. Now Harrison is thoroughly alarmed. The proposed move is “opposed to a principle by which I have ever been governed in Indian warfare, i.e. never to make a detachment but under the most urgent circumstances.” He orders two more regiments to march to the rapids and sets off himself, with General Perkins, in a sleigh. Its slowness annoys him. He seizes his servant’s horse, rides on alone. Darkness falls; the horse stumbles into a frozen swamp; the ice gives way; Harrison manages to free himself and pushes on through the night on foot.

  Winchester, meanwhile, has already ordered Lieutenant-Colonel William Lewis and 450 troops to attack the enemy at Frenchtown on the Raisin. Off goes Lewis, with three days’ provisions, followed a few hours later by a second force of one hundred Kentuckians under the eager Lieutenant-Colonel Allen. They rendezvous at Presqu’Isle, a French-Canadian village on the south side of the Maumee, twenty miles from the rapids, eighteen from the Raisin. Elias Darnell is overwhelmed, as are his comrades, by this first contact with anything remotely resembling civilization:

  “The sight of this village filled each heart with emotions of cheerfulness and joy; for we had been nearly five months in the wilderness, exposed to every inconvenience, and excluded from everything that had the appearance of a civilized country.”

  The inhabitants pour out of their homes, waving white flags, shouting greetings. The troops are in high spirits; they know that some will be corpses on the morrow, but with the eternal optimism of all soldiers, most hew to the conviction that they will survive. Nonetheless, those who can write have sent letters home to wives, parents, or friends. One such is Captain James Price, commander of the Jessamine Blues, who writes rather formally to his wife, Susan, at Nicholasville, Kentucky, that “on the event of battle I have believed it proper to address you these lines.”

  It is his two-year-old son that concerns Captain Price rather than his three daughters who, he feels, are his wife’s responsibility: “Teach my boy to love truth,” he writes, “to speak truth at all times.… He must be taught to bear in mind that ‘an honest man is the noblest work of God’; he must be rigidly honest in his dealings.… Never allow him to run about on Sabbath days, fishing. Teach my son the habits of industry.… Industry leads to virtue.… Not a day must be lost in teaching him how to work.… It may be possible I may fall in battle and my only boy must know that his father, next to God, loves his country, and is now risking his life in defending that country against a barbarous and cruel enemy.… Pray for me that you may be with me once more.”

  The following morning, January 18, as the Kentucky soldiers march along the frozen lake toward their objective, they meet refugees from Frenchtown. What kind of artillery do the British have, the troops want to know. “Two pieces about large enough to kill a mouse,” is the reply. From Frenchtown comes word that the British are waiting. Lewis forms up his troops on the ice, and as they come in sight of the settlement, the lone British howitzer opens up. “Fire away with your mouse cannon!” some of the men cry, and as the long drum roll sounds the charge, they cross the slippery Raisin, clamber up the bank, leap the village pickets, and drive the British back toward the forest.

  Later, one of the French residents tells Elias Darnell that he has watched an old Wyandot – one of those who took part in the rout of Tupper’s Ohio militia at the rapids – smoking his pipe as the Americans come into sight. “I suppose Ohio men come,” he says. “We give them another chase.” Then as the American line stampedes through the village he cries, “Kentuck, by God!” and joins in the general retreat.

  The battle rages from 3 P.M. to dark. John Allen forces the British left wing back into the forest. The British make a stand behind a chain of enclosed lots and small clusters of houses, where piles of brush and deadfalls bar the way. The American centre under Major George Madison (a future governor of Kentucky) and the left under Major Benjamin Graves now go into action, and the British and Indians fall back, contesting every foot. When dusk falls they have been driven two miles from the village, and the Americans are in firm possession.

  Lewis’s triumphant account of the victory is sent immediately by express rider to Winchester, who receives it at dawn. The camp at the rapids is ecstatic. Harking back to Henry Clay’s speech of August 16, Lewis reports that “both officers and soldiers supported the double character of Americans and Kentuckyans.” The state’s honour has been vindicated. The soldiers at both French town and the rapids now feel they are unbeatable, that they will roll right on to Detroit, cross the river, capture Amherstburg. General Simon Perkins, after the fact, will write dryly: “I fancy they were too much impressed with the opinion that Kentucky bravery could not fall before [such] a foe as Indians and Canadians.”

  The troops on the Raisin are dangerously exposed. Yet their eagerness for battle is such that Winchester would be hard put to withdraw them even if he wished to – even Harrison will admit that. But Winchester does not wish to. Caught up in the general intoxication of victory, seeing himself and his army as the saviours of his country’s honour, he takes what troops he can spare – fewer than three hundred – and marches off to French town.

  There is another force drawing him and his men toward the little village – an attraction quite as powerful as the prospect of fame and glory: French town, at this moment, is close to paradise. Here on the vine-clad banks of la Rivière au Raisin is luxury: fresh apples, cider by the barrel, sugar, butter, whiskey, and more – houses with roofs, warm beds, hearth sides with crackling fires, the soft presence of women. When Winchester arrives late on the twentieth, Lewis’s men have already sampled these delights. Billeted in no particular order in the homes of the enthusiastic settlers, they are already drunk and quarrelsome, wandering about town late into the night. There is some vague talk of entrenching the position, but it is only talk. The men are weary from fighting, unruly from drink, and in no mood to take orders.

  The village is surrounded on three sides by a palisade constructed of eight-foot logs, split and sharpened at the ends. These pickets, which do not come all the way down to the river bank, enclose a compact community of log and shingle houses, interspersed with orchards, gardens, barns, and outbuildings. The whole space forms a rectangle two hundred yards along the river and three hundred deep.

  On the right of the village, downriver, lies an open meadow with a number of detached houses. Here Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Wells, brother to the slain scout Billy Wells and a veteran of Tippecanoe, encamps his regulars. Winchester demurs: the regulars would be better placed within the palisade. But Wells insists on his prerogatives: military etiquette determines that the regular troops should always be on the right of the militia. Winchester does not argue. Wells’s men are exposed, but he expects to find a better campground for them on the following day.

  Leaving Wells in charge of the main camp, the General and his staff, including his teen-aged son, take up quarters on the south side of the river in the home of Colonel Francis Navarre, a local trader. It is a handsome building, the logs covered with clapboard, the whole shaded by pear trees originally brought from Normandy. Winchester is given a spacious guest-room at the front of the house, warmed by a fireplace. It is now Wells’s turn to demur. He believes the General and his officer
s should be as close as possible to the troops on the far side of the river in case of sudden attack. The British fort is only eighteen miles away.

  But James Winchester has made up his mind. For twenty years as a wealthy plantation owner he has enjoyed the creature comforts of a sedentary life. For five months without complaint he has slept out in the elements, enduring the privations with his troops, existing on dreadful food – when there was food at all – drinking, sometimes, stagnant water scooped out of wagon tracks. Later, he will argue that there was no house in French town; he would have had to move some of the wounded. But this is palpably false.

  A strange lassitude has fallen over the General and his troops. The sudden euphoric victory, the almost magical appearance of food, drink, warmth, and shelter – the stuff of their dreams for these past weeks – has given them a dreamlike confidence. There is talk of moving the camp to a better position, and on the following day the General and some of his officers ride out to look over the ground. Nothing comes of it. It does not apparently occur to them that it might be a good idea to put the river between themselves and the British.

  Wells leaves camp that morning claiming that he has baggage to collect at the rapids. Winchester, who believes that Wells has lost faith in him, sends a note with him to Harrison, detailing his situation. It

  AMHERSTBURG, UPPER CANADA, January 19,1813. It is long past midnight. From the windows of Draper’s tavern comes the sound of music and merriment, laughter and dancing. The young people of the town and the officers of the garrison have combined to hold a ball to celebrate the birthday of Queen Charlotte, the consort of the mad old king of England. Suddenly the music stops and in walks Procter’s deputy, Lieutenant-Colonel St. George, equipped for the field. His voice, long accustomed to command, drowns the chatter.

  “My boys,” says the Colonel, “you must prepare to dance to a different tune; the enemy is upon us and we are going to surprise them. We shall take the route about four in the morning, so get ready at once.”

  Procter has just received word of the British defeat at the Raisin. The Americans, he knows, are in an exposed position and their numbers are not large. He determines to scrape up as many men as possible and attack at once. This swift and aggressive decision is not characteristic of Procter, a methodical, cautious officer who tends to follow the book. It was Procter, after all, who strongly opposed Brock’s sally against Detroit. Now Brock’s example – or perhaps Brock’s ghost – impels him to precipitate action. The moves are Procter’s, but the spirit behind them is that of his late commander.

  He plans swiftly. He will send a detachment under Captain James Askin to garrison Detroit. He will leave Fort Amherstburg virtually defenceless, manned only by the sick and least effective members of the militia under Lieutenant-Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bâby. The remainder – every possible man who can be called into service, including provincial seamen from the gunboats – will be sent across the river. In all, he counts 597 able men and more than five hundred Indians – Potawatomi displaced from their homes by Harrison, with bitter memories of Tippecanoe; Miami, victims of the recent attacks at Mississinewa; and Chief Roundhead’s Wyandot, formerly of Brownstown.

  The first detachment leaves immediately, dragging three three-pound cannon and three small howitzers on sleighs. John Richardson, the future novelist, is young enough at fifteen to find the scene romantic – the troops moving in a thin line across the frozen river under cliffs of rugged ice, their weapons, polished to a high gloss, glittering in the winter sunlight.

  reflects his sense of security: his patrols have detected no British in the vicinity; he does not believe any attack will take place for several days. His own intentions are far from clear. Later that night, Captain Nathaniel Hart, Harrison’s emissary, rides in with the news that Harrison has arrived at the Maumee rapids and that reinforcements are on the way. This adds to the general complacency.

  It is an axiom of war that from time to time even the best of generals suffer from a common failing – a refusal to believe their own intelligence reports. Psychological blinkers narrow their vision; they decline to accept any evidence that fails to support their own appreciation of the situation. Winchester seems deaf to all suggestions that the British are massing for an attack. On the morning of the twenty-first, he sends Navarre’s son Peter and four of his brothers to scout toward the mouth of the Detroit River. En route, they intercept Joseph Bordeau, Peter’s future father-in-law, crossing on the ice from the British side. Bordeau, who has escaped from Amherstburg, brings positive news that the British, with a large body of Indians, will be at the Raisin some time after dark. But “Jocko” La Salle, a voluble and genial French Canadian – and a possible British plant – convinces Winchester that this news must be in error. Winchester and his officers, “regaling themselves with whiskey and loaf sugar” as Elias Darnell believes, dismiss Peter Navarre with a laugh.

  That afternoon, a second scout confirms the story, but again Winchester is deaf. Later in the evening, one of Lewis’s ensigns learns from a tavern keeper that he has been talking to two British officers about an impending attack. But Lewis does not take the report seriously.

  Some of Winchester’s field officers expect that a council will be called that night, but no word comes from the General. Though Winchester has issued vague orders about strengthening the camp, little has been done. Nor does he issue the ammunition, stored at Navarre’s house. Wells’s detachment is down to ten rounds per man.

  It is bitterly cold. The snow lies deep. Nobody has the heart to send pickets out onto the roads leading into the settlement. William Atherton notices that most of the men act as if they were perfectly secure, some wandering about town until late into the night. Atherton himself feels little anxiety, although he has reason to believe the situation is perilous. He sleeps soundly until awakened by the cry “To arms! to arms!” the thundering of cannon, the roar of muskets, and the discordant yells of attacking Indians.

  Lieutenant Frederic Rolette, back in action again after the prisoner exchange that followed the battle of Queenston Heights and fresh from his losing struggle to regain the gunboat Detroit from the Americans, has charge of one of the guns. He is suffering from such a splitting headache that Major Reynolds urges him to go back. Rolette looks insulted, produces a heavy bandanna. “Look here,” he says, “tie this tight around my head.” Reynolds rolls it into a thick band and does so. “I am better already,” says Rolette and pushes on.

  The following day the rest of Procter’s forces cross the river, rest that night at Brownstown, and prepare to move early next morning. As darkness falls, John Richardson’s favourite brother, Robert, aged fourteen, a midshipman in the Provincial Marine, sneaks into camp. His father, an army surgeon, has given him strict orders to stay out of trouble on the Canadian side, but he is determined to see action and attaches himself to one of the gun crews.

  In the morning, Procter moves his force of one thousand to Rocky River, twelve miles from Brownstown, six miles from the American camp. Two hours before dawn on the following day they rise, march the intervening distance, and silently descend upon the enemy.

  The camp at French town is asleep, the drum roll just sounding reveille. This, surely, is the moment for attack, while the men are still in their blankets, drowsy, brushing the slumber from their eyes, without weapons in their hands. But the ghost of Isaac Brock has departed. Procter goes by the book, which insists that an infantry charge be supported by cannon. Precious moments slip by, and the army’s momentum slows as he places his pieces. A sharp-eyed Kentucky guard spots the movement. A rifle explodes, and the leading grenadier of the 41st, a man named Gates, drops dead: a bullet has literally gone in one ear and out the other. Surprise is lost. The battle begins. Procter’s caution will cost the lives of scores of good men.

  It is still dark. The British and Canadians can see flashes of musketry several hundred yards to the front but nothing else. Slowly, in the pre-dawn murk, a blurred line of figures takes shape, standing
out in front of the village. They fire a volley at this welcome target, but the line stands fast. They fire again without effect. Who are these supermen who do not fall when the muskets roar? Dawn provides the answer: they have been aiming, not at their enemies, but at a line of wooden pickets that protects them.

  A second problem frustrates them. Procter has placed one of his three-pounders directly in front of his centre, so that the American fire aimed at the gun plays upon the men behind it while the gunners themselves are in jeopardy from their own men in the rear.

  The Battle of Frenchtown

  A British musket ball strikes Frederic Rolette in the head. The tightly rolled silk bandanna saves his life. The ball is caught in the fold and flattens against his skull, increasing his headache and causing a goose egg but no further damage.

  The fire grows hotter. Behind the palisades the Americans can easily pick out targets against the lightening sky. When the British abandon a three-pounder twenty yards from the fence, the Kentuckians leap over the puncheons to capture it. But Rolette’s mate, Second-Lieutenant Robert Irvine, the same man who tried to beat off the attack on Caledonia, seizes the drag rope and hauls it back to the British line just as a musket ball shreds his heel.

  Private Shadrach Byfield, whose name was left off the list for prize money after the fall of Detroit, is fighting in Adam Muir’s company of the 41st when the man on his left falls dead. It is light enough now to see the enemy, and he spots a Kentuckian coming through the palisades. “There’s a man!” cries Byfield to a friend. “I’ll have a shot at him.” As he pulls the trigger, a ball strikes him under the left ear and he topples to the ground, cutting his friend’s leg with his bayonet in the process. He is only twenty-three, a Wiltshire man who joined the British army at eighteen – the third in his family to enlist – an action that caused his poor mother to fall into a speechless fit from which she never recovered. Now he believes his last moment has come. “Byfield is dead!” his friend cries out, and Shadrach Byfield replies, in some wonder, “I believe I be.” An age-old question flashes across his mind, a question that must occur to every soldier the instant he falls in battle. “Is this death?” he asks himself. Is this how men die?