Harold

by Ian W. Walker

  Second only to family ties during this period were those of friendship and alliance. A great man like Harold with a long career in public life must have acquired many friends and allies. Unfortunately, the surviving sources make it impossible to establish the full extent of Harold’s affinity. Instead, we are restricted to establishing the fairly limited number of Harold’s connections for which sufficient evidence survives in the sources, but even this knowledge can reveal information about Harold. Harold’s lesser supporters have already been discussed when considering his landholdings and here we will consider his major friends and allies.

  In terms of Harold’s friends among the clerics there was one man with whom he appears to have had a particularly close relationship. This was Ealdred, who initially as Bishop of Worcester and later as Archbishop of York was to play a significant role in Harold’s career as his friend and perhaps his mentor. The first evidence of their relationship comes in 1051 when the Chronicle records that Ealdred, who had been sent to intercept Harold as he fled to Bristol, ‘could not, or would not’ do so, clearly suggesting that he wanted him to escape. It is likely that Ealdred’s donation of a large number of relics to Harold’s own foundation of Holy Cross at Waltham also represents a token of their close friendship. It is possible though not certain that it was King Edward’s suspicion of Ealdred’s links to Harold and his family that caused him to be overlooked when the king sought a successor to Archbishop Aelfric of York in 1051. If so, he recovered his position in the king’s favour by assiduous royal service thereafter, particularly on the embassy of 1054 to negotiate the return of Atheling Edward, and when Cynesige of York died in 1060 he finally gained the archbishopric.

  In 1056 Ealdred took over the administration of the diocese of Hereford after the death of its bishop, Leofgar, Harold’s former chaplain. In 1062 Harold supported the promotion of Ealdred’s acolyte, Wulfstan, to the see of Worcester. It might have been expected that after his appointment as Archbishop of York, Ealdred would have lost contact with Harold but this was not the case. Indeed, perhaps the most significant indication of Harold’s trust in Ealdred is that the latter consecrated Harold as king in 1066. The fact that he was chosen for this duty was a result of Stigand’s equivocal position, but that he employed an entirely new consecration ordo in the service seems to indicate a great deal of trust in him on Harold’s part. Unlike Stigand, Ealdred did not possess great personal wealth and he needed the assistance of a man like Harold to maintain the lands of his diocese against predation by other secular lords, including the Mercian earls. In return, he offered Harold his immense administrative skills and his deep knowledge of religious ritual.26

  In a sense, Harold’s close relationship to Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester perhaps arose from a similar circumstance to that with Ealdred. Wulfstan also required Harold’s protection and support but in return he offered spiritual advice rather than administrative skill. Wulfstan’s holiness was widely recognized and he was later canonized because of it. It is perhaps not surprising then that Harold appears to have turned to him for spiritual guidance. In this period all men, no matter how powerful, considered themselves subject to God’s power. It was therefore natural for Harold to ascertain Wulfstan’s views and to seek his friendship in order to maintain contact with God through one of his most notable servants. It was the holy Wulfstan that Harold chose to accompany him when he sought to persuade the Northumbrians to accept his rule in 1066.27

  In terms of Harold’s friends and allies among the laymen, we have already recorded his relations with his fellow earls where he perhaps held a somewhat equivocal record. He may initially have favoured the promotion of his brothers over Earl Aelfgar, but he later revised this view by accepting Tosti’s inevitable downfall and seeking actively to court Aelfgar’s sons. In the case of Earl Ralph, King Edward’s French nephew, Harold appears to have been friendly towards him and it is perhaps significant that Ralph had a son named Harold. It is possible that this boy was named after the earl himself, perhaps in gratitude for his support against the Welsh in 1055. The age of Harold, son of Ralph, in 1066 when he was a ward of Queen Edith makes it possible that he was named in these circumstances. However, this Harold’s mother had the Danish name Gytha and he may therefore have been named after one of her kin. Harold’s relations with other more minor laymen, usually as supporters, have already been discussed more fully in connection with his landholdings. These few details are all that can be recovered about Harold’s relations with his family and his friends and allies.28

  We also know something of Harold’s personal interests beyond those required to wield authority, administer lands, enforce the law and lead men in war. As was common in this period Harold was keenly involved in sports of the chase, especially hunting and falconry. Harold’s interest in hunting is confirmed by his construction of a hunting lodge on conquered land at Portskewet in South Wales, to which he intended to invite King Edward. It is also shown by several scenes in the Bayeux Tapestry, where he is accompanied by his hawk and hounds. Indeed, in one particular scene these clearly valuable animals are carefully carried aboard his ship for the crossing to Normandy. In addition, Domesday Book records the presence of ‘a large wood for hunting’ on land owned by Harold at Ailey in Herefordshire. Harold’s interest in falconry is spectacularly demonstrated by the later attribution to Harold of the possession of a number of important books on hawks and the art of falconry. It is confirmed by Domesday Book, which records that Harold’s estate at Limpsfield in Surrey had three hawk’s nests, which no doubt provided him with a source of birds.29

  The reference to Harold’s possession of books on falconry raises the interesting possibility that he may have been literate. The Vita Eadwardi speaks of his sister, Queen Edith, as immersed in the study of letters and it is therefore possible that Harold was also literate. It was more common at this time for education to be lavished on male children than female. Such a skill would certainly have been of considerable benefit to an earl or king in the fairly sophisticated administrative kingdom which England was at this time. It is possible that Harold did not read his books himself but simply that he had others read them to him, but the possession of literacy by a layman, while unusual for the time, is not impossible. However, this must remain no more than conjecture.30

  From the little we know of him, Harold appears to have been, in many ways, a man of his time. Thus he was a warrior and military commander, but also a diplomat and administrator. He was a pious man, in terms of his personal devotion, though not a saint. He appears to have been equally at home in English Sussex, Anglo-Danish York, Norse-Irish Dublin, and on the Continent. He was in general strongly supportive of his family, but not at the expense of his own wider interests. He had a small but varied and powerful group of friends and allies able to support him in a number of different capacities. This was the man who now stood on the threshold of the kingship. He had many of the qualities and abilities needed for this high position, but it remained to be seen how he would employ these.

  NINE

  KING HAROLD

  Earl Harold was now consecrated king and met little quiet in it as long as he ruled the realm.1

  Following King Edward’s death, Harold, sub regulus and now designated heir of the king, succeeded to the kingdom and was crowned on 6 January 1066, the same day as the old king was buried. This has been seen as unseemly haste but is probably the result of Harold’s thorough canvassing of support over the Christmas period. Also, with the danger of invasion by William of Normandy hanging over the land, as noted in the Chronicle, it was important to act decisively to forestall other claims, including William’s but more importantly that of Atheling Edgar. Indeed, William received news of Edward’s death and Harold’s succession at the same time and was unable to take advantage of any period of confusion to intervene.2

  Harold’s coronation, which is illustrated in the Bayeux Tapestry, was unusual in a number of respects, as perhaps befits the coronation of the first English king not desce
nded from Alfred’s line. First of all, it probably took place in King Edward’s newly consecrated Westminster Abbey, the first of many coronations to be performed there. The fact that it directly followed Edward’s burial in that church makes this very likely. If Harold’s coronation had occurred in St Paul’s instead, this would have meant a rather complex transfer of people from Westminster to St Paul’s, which in addition to the two services seems a lot to cram into one short winter day. There would also be a natural desire on Harold’s part to associate his kingship with that of his predecessor, as William would also do later that year. Secondly, the ceremony itself probably followed a new coronation ordo adapted by Archbishop Ealdred from that of the German Empire, rather than that followed at Edward’s own coronation in March 1043. This innovation was probably a result of the unusual circumstances of that year when the ceremony was performed by Ealdred, Archbishop of York, rather than the Archbishop of Canterbury. The former was suddenly faced with the need to deliver a coronation ordo and as a result chose one he had to hand. This new ordo was subsequently to be followed by William, again under the direction of Archbishop Ealdred.3

  The ceremony was not only novel, but also became the subject of controversy as a result of William’s rival claim. The Norman sources claim that Harold was consecrated by the controversial Stigand, Archbishop of Canterbury. In contrast, the English sources claim the rite was performed by Ealdred, Archbishop of York. The roots of this confusion lie in the Norman requirement after the Conquest to undermine Harold’s legitimate reign and present it as a usurpation. The association of Harold’s kingship with ‘unholy’ consecration by Stigand, a man who had gained his archbishopric uncanonically and who held no valid pallium, was part of this process. It is more likely that Archbishop Ealdred performed the ceremony, for although it was customary for the Archbishop of Canterbury to do so, the English were just as aware as the Normans of Stigand’s uncanonical position. Thus Stigand had consecrated no bishops during his term of office, with the exception of Aethelric of Sussex and Siward of Rochester, who were only consecrated because at that point Stigand held a pallium, received from Pope Benedict X before the latter’s expulsion from office. In all other cases Ealdred of York had performed Stigand’s duties of consecration and he was to do so after the Conquest as well. It is therefore almost certain that Harold received consecration from Ealdred as stated by John of Worcester, who was in a position to know. In view of the need to legitimize his kingship as a king not of Alfred’s line, Harold would have wished no doubt to be cast on his legitimacy by Stigand’s involvement. It should be recalled that Harold showed similar concern about the consecration of his church of Holy Cross at Waltham in 1060, when he sought the services of Archbishop Cynesige of York rather than Stigand. In similar circumstances, William sought consecration from Ealdred later the same year and there is no reason to think that Harold did otherwise.4

  One of the first actions of the new King Harold was probably to receive messengers from Normandy demanding that the throne be surrendered to Duke William as Edward’s rightful heir. Harold made clear to them that the oaths extracted from him under duress were worthless and that he had no intention of accepting William’s demands. Thus William was faced with the daunting prospect of actually turning his claim into a reality, and he set about this with his customary determination. Well aware of William’s ruthless ambition, Harold in turn set about organizing his kingdom and its defences against this danger.5

  As we saw in Chapter Seven, support for Harold’s succession seems to have been fairly widespread, but there was one source of restlessness, the Earldom of Northumbria. This unrest is only recorded in the later Vita Wulfstani, but it is not unlikely in view of recent events in the earldom. It is perhaps confirmed by two coin hoards deposited at around this time at Harewood and Bishophill near York. The disinclination of the Northumbrians to welcome King Harold’s accession probably reflects a fear that he would restore Tosti to favour, rather than simple dislike for a West Saxon on the throne. They probably considered that the settlement of 1065 had been made by King Edward, and now that he was dead they feared that Harold would overturn it and allow Tosti’s return.6

  King Harold had to settle this anxiety and did so by travelling north, not with an army to ravage the land but with a small party, including Bishop Wulfstan of Worcester, a man widely renowned and respected for his holiness. Harold’s conciliatory approach and powers of persuasion were successful and the Northumbrians swore allegiance to him. In return, Harold must have confirmed that Tosti would not be permitted to return. It was perhaps to reinforce this pledge that at this point Harold probably completed a marriage alliance by marrying Alditha, the sister of Earls Edwin and Morcar. This marriage must have taken place some time between the death in August 1063 of Gruffydd of Wales, Alditha’s first husband, and October 1066, when she is recorded as Harold’s queen, and it is unlikely that it took place before autumn 1065, when the Northumbrian revolt and the exile of Tosti made a rapprochement with Edwin and Morcar essential. Negotiations on such an important matter would have taken some time and thus early 1066 is perhaps the most likely time for the marriage. This date seems confirmed by the fact that not only was Alditha Harold’s queen by the end of the year, but that she bore a son to him, named Harold after his father and probably born after his death. In addition to removing any concern on the part of the Northumbrians at the possibility of Tosti’s return, this marriage also further bound the northern earls to Harold. They now had a direct stake in the success of their brother-in-law’s kingship. Unfortunately, Chronicle accounts mention nothing of this and record only Harold’s return from York, in time to spend the Easter festival on 16 April at Westminster.7

  King Harold’s position was now securely established and we can examine what is recorded, albeit very little, about the government of England during his reign. Few documentary records remain of his actions as king. The single writ, in Latin and English versions, which survives relates to the rights of Giso, Bishop of Wells. This is in the regular form for such documents, addressed by King Harold to Abbot Aethelnoth of Glastonbury, Tofi Sheriff of Somerset and all the thegns there. There are no surviving diplomas from his reign. Such documents would have been endorsed by Harold’s great seal, but this has also been lost although it may perhaps be suggested that its form is preserved in the arrangement of the Bayeux Tapestry scene of Harold’s coronation. A number of Tapestry scenes appear to have been derived from existing models in manuscript sources and there is a general similarity between the portrayal of King Edward on his great seal and that of Harold in the Tapestry.8

  The reasons for this scarcity of documents include the brevity of the reign itself, and the emphasis which was placed by William on his position as Edward’s rightful heir and on Harold as a usurper. Thus if we compare the ninety-nine genuine writs and diplomas which have survived from King Edward’s twenty-four-year reign (that is, four per annum) with the single genuine writ surviving from Harold’s nine-month reign, the latter equation appears not unusual. However, many such documents must have been issued by Harold since it was customary for men to seek confirmation of their lands from new rulers, but following the Conquest their value would, of course, have been limited. William could not afford to acknowledge Harold’s kingship by accepting them as legal documents, and there can be no doubt that the Norman insistence on William as Edward’s direct successor meant that those who did possess writs or diplomas from the ‘usurper’ King Harold later found them worthless. Most were therefore probably lost, or where possible swiftly replaced by new grants under William’s name. Thus Regenbald the Chancellor, Abbot Wulfwold of Bath, and the City of London all sought early confirmations of their rights from the new King William in 1067. This process began in William’s written acts soon after the Conquest. Some very early acts represent a transitional period when William had to recognize the existence of Harold’s reign in order to smooth the operation of English government but thereafter King Edward is consistently refer
red to as William’s immediate predecessor. This process reached its culmination in Domesday Book in 1086, where Harold is referred to throughout as comes and all land is listed as it was held Tempore Regis Edwardi and not when William conquered the kingdom.9

  In spite of this, a few sources do give some indication of King Harold’s activities. John of Worcester, though writing later, says he ‘began to abolish unjust laws and make good ones’ and ‘to imprison robbers and disturbers of the kingdom’. This may be merely conventional praise of a new king, but it is perhaps surprising, given the general treatment of Harold’s reputation at Norman hands. We also know from Domesday Book of at least five instances of men, admittedly minor, who were deprived of their lands by King Harold: Leofman and Godwine lost their lands at Hayling Island and Soberton in Hampshire, and Eadmer, Wiflet and Aelfric their lands at Haresfield, Down Hatherley and Sandhurst, and Harescombe and Brookethorpe respectively, all in Gloucestershire.10

  However, the major evidence for the regular functioning of King Harold’s administration comes from his coinage. Not unnaturally, this has survived much better than the written documents. During his short reign his government replaced Edward’s last coinage with a fine new design which survives in issues from some forty-six mints throughout England. There he appears as Rex Anglorum, or King of the English. Many of Edward’s moneyers continued to strike coins under Harold and would subsequently do so for William also.11