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Theory and Reality

Page 5

by Peter Godfrey-Smith


  Earlier philosophers in the rationalist tradition had claimed that some things can be known a priori; this means known independently of experience. Logical positivism held that the only things that seem to be knowable a priori are analytic and hence empty of factual content.

  A remarkable episode in the history of science is important here. For many centuries, the geometry of the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid was regarded as a shining example of real and certain knowledge. Immanuel Kant, inspired by the immensely successful application of Euclidean geometry to nature in Newtonian physics, even claimed that Euclid's geometry (along with the rest of mathematics) is both synthetic and knowable a priori. In the nineteenth century, mathematicians did work out alternative geometrical systems to Euclid's, but they did so as a mathematical exercise, not as an attempt to describe how lines, angles, and shapes work in the actual world. Early in the twentieth century, however, Einstein's revolutionary work in physics showed that a non-Euclidean geometry is true of our world. The logical positivists were enormously impressed by this development, and it guided their analysis of mathematical knowledge. The positivists insisted that pure mathematics is analytic, and they broke geometry into two parts. One part is purely mathematical, analytic, and says nothing about the world. It merely describes possible geometrical systems. The other part of geometry is a set of synthetic claims about which geometrical system applies to our world.

  I turn now to the other main idea in the logical positivist theory of language, the verifiability theory of meaning. This theory applies only to sentences that are not analytic, and it involves a specific kind of "meaning," the kind involved when someone is trying to say something about the world. Here is how the theory was often put: the meaning of a sentence consists in its method of verification. That formulation might sound strange (it always has to me). Here is a formulation that sounds more natural: knowing the meaning of a sentence is knowing how to verify it. And here is a key application of the principle: if a sentence has no possible method of verification, it has no meaning.

  By "verification" here, the positivists meant verification by means of observation. Observation in all these discussions is construed broadly, to include all kinds of sensory experience. And "verifiability" is not the best word for what they meant. A better word would be "testability." This is because testing is an attempt to work out whether something is true or false, and that is what the positivists had in mind. The term "verifiable" generally only applies when you are able to show that something is true. It would have been better to call the theory "the testability theory of meaning." Sometimes the logical positivists did use that phrase, but the more standard name is "verifiability theory," or just "verificationism."

  Verificationism is a strong empiricist principle; experience is the only source of meaning, as well as the only source of knowledge. Note that verifiability here refers to verifiability in principle, not in practice. There was some dispute about which hard-to-verify claims are really verifiable in principle. It is also important that conclusive verification or testing was not required. There just had to be the possibility of finding observational evidence that would count for or against the proposition in question.

  In the early days of logical positivism, the idea was that in principle one could translate all sentences with factual meaning into sentences that referred only to sensations and the patterns connecting them. This program of translation was fairly quickly abandoned as too extreme. But the verifiability theory was retained after the program of translation had been dropped.

  The verifiability principle was used by the logical positivists as a philosophical weapon. Scientific discussion, and most everyday discussion, consists of verifiable and hence meaningful claims. Some other parts of language are clearly not intended to have factual meaning, so they fail the verifiability test but do so in a harmless way. Included are poetic language, expressions of emotion, and so on. But there are also parts of language that are supposed to have factual meaning-are supposed to say something about the world-but which fail to do so. For the logical positivists, this includes most traditional philosophy, much of ethics, and theology as well!

  This analysis of language provided the framework for the logical positivist philosophy of science. Science itself was seen as just a more complex and sophisticated version of the sort of thinking, reasoning, and problemsolving that we find in everyday life-and completely unlike the meaningless blather of traditional philosophy.

  So let us now look at the logical positivists' picture of science and of the role of philosophy in a scientific worldview. Next we should turn to another distinction they made, between "observational" language and "theoretical" language. There was uncertainty about how exactly to set this distinction up. Usually it was seen as a distinction applied to individual terms. "Red" is in the observational part of language, and "electron" is in the theoretical part. There was also a related distinction at the level of sentences. "The rod is glowing red" is observational, while "Helium atoms each contain two electrons" is theoretical. A more important question was where to draw the line. Schlick thought that only terms referring to sensations were observational; everything else was theoretical. Here Schlick stayed close to traditional empiricism. Neurath thought this was a mistake and argued that terms referring to many ordinary physical obj ects are in the observational part of language. For Neurath, scientific testing must not be understood in a way that makes it private to the individual. Only observation statements about physical objects can be the basis of public or "intersubjective" testing.

  The issue became a constant topic of discussion. In time, Carnap came to think that there are lots of acceptable ways of marking out a distinction between the observational and theoretical parts of language; one could use whichever is convenient for the purposes at hand. This was the start of a more general move that Carnap made toward a view based on the "tolerance" of alternative linguistic frameworks.

  We now need to look at logical positivist views about logic. For logical positivism, logic is the main tool for philosophy, including philosophical discussion of science. In fact, just about the only useful thing that philosophers can do is give logical analyses of how language, mathematics, and science work.

  Here we should distinguish two kinds of logic (this discussion will be continued in chapter 3). Logic in general is the attempt to give an abstract theory of what makes some arguments compelling and reliable. Deductive logic is the most familiar kind of logic, and it describes patterns of argument that transmit truth with certainty. These are arguments with the feature that if the premises of the argument are true, the conclusion must be true. Impressive developments in deductive logic had been under way since the late nineteenth century and were still going on at the time of the Vienna Circle.

  The logical positivists also believed in a second kind of logic, a kind that was (and is) much more controversial. This is inductive logic. Inductive logic was supposed to be a theory of arguments that provide support for their conclusions but do not give the kind of guarantee found in deductive logic.

  From the logical positivist point of view, developing an inductive logic was of great importance. Hardly any of the arguments and evidence that we confront in everyday life and science carry the kind of guarantees found in deductive logic. Even the best kind of evidence we can find for a scientific theory is not completely decisive. There is always the possibility of error, but that does not stop some claims in science from being supported by evidence. The logical positivists accepted and embraced the fact that error is always possible. Although some critics have misinterpreted them on this point, the logical positivists did not think that science ever reaches absolute certainty.

  The logical positivists saw the task of logically analyzing science as sharply distinct from any attempt to understand science in terms of its history or psychology. Those are empirical disciplines, and they involve a different set of questions from those of philosophy.

  A terminology standardly used to exp
ress the separations between different approaches here was introduced by Hans Reichenbach. Reichenbach distinguished between the "context of discovery" and the "context of justification" That terminology is not helpful, because it suggests that the distinction has to do with "before and after." It might seem that the point being made is that discovery comes first and justification comes afterward. That is not the point being made (though the logical positivists were not completely clear on this). The key distinction is between the study of the logical structure of science and the study of historical and psychological aspects of science.

  So logical positivism tended to dismiss the relevance of fields like history and psychology to the philosophy of science. In time this came to be regarded as a big mistake.

  Let us put all these ideas together and look at the picture of science that results. Logical positivism was a revolutionary, uncompromising version of empiricism, based largely on a theory of language. The aim of science-and the aim of everyday thought and problemsolving as well-is to track and anticipate patterns in experience. As Schlick once put it, "what every scientist seeks, and seeks alone, are ... the rules which govern the connection of experiences, and by which alone they can be predicted" (193 Z-3 3, 44). We can make rational predictions about future experiences by attending to patterns in past experience, but we never get a guarantee. We could always be wrong. There is no alternative route to knowledge besides experience; when traditional philosophy has tried to find such a route, it has lapsed into meaninglessness.

  The interpretation of logical positivism I have just given is a standard one. There is controversy about how to interpret the aims and doctrines of the movement, however. Some recent writers have argued that there is less of a link between logical positivism and traditional empiricism than the standard interpretation claims (Friedman 1999). But in the sense of empiricism used in this book, there is definitely a strong link. We see that in the Schlick quote given in the previous paragraph.

  During the early twentieth century, there were various other strong versions of empiricism being developed as well. One was operationalism, which was developed by a physicist, Percy Bridgman (1927). Operationalism held that scientists should use language in such a way that all theoretical terms are tied closely to direct observational tests. This is akin to logical positivism, but it was expressed more as a proposed tightening up of scientific language (motivated especially by the lessons of Einstein's theory of relativity) than as an analysis of how all science already works.

  In the latter part of the twentieth century, an image of the logical positivists developed in which they were seen as stodgy, conservative, unimaginative science-worshipers. Their strongly pro-science stance has even been seen as antidemocratic, or aligned with repressive political ideas. This is very unfair, given their actual political interests and activities. Later we will see how ideas about the relation between science and politics changed through the twentieth century in a way that made this interpretation possible. The accusation of stodginess is another matter; the logical positivists' writings were often extremely dry and technical. Still, even the driest of their ideas were part of a remarkable program that aimed at a massive, transdisciplinary, intellectual housecleaning. And their version of empiricism was organized around an ideal of intellectual flexibility as a mark of science and rationality. We see this in a famous metaphor used by Neurath (who exemplifies these themes especially well). Neurath said that in our attempts to learn about the world and improve our ideas, we are "like sailors who have to rebuild their ship on the open sea." The sailors replace pieces of their ship plank by plank, in a way that eventually results in major changes but which is constrained by the need to keep the ship afloat during the process.

  2.4 Problems and Changes

  Logical positivist ideas were always in a state of flux, and they were subject to many challenges. One set of problems was internal to the program. For example, there was considerable difficulty in getting a good formulation of the verifiability principle. It turned out to be hard to formulate the principle in a way that would exclude all the obscure traditional philosophy but include all of science. Some of these problems were almost comically simple. For example, if "Metals expand when heated" is testable, then "Metals expand when heated and the Absolute Spirit is perfect" is also testable. If we could empirically show the first part of the claim to be false, then the whole claim would be shown false, because of the logic of statements containing "and" (If A is false then A&B must be false too.) Patching this hole led to new problems elsewhere; the whole project was quite frustrating (Hempel 1965, chap. 4). The attempt to develop an inductive logic also ran into serious trouble. That topic will be covered in the next chapter.

  Other criticisms were directed not at the details but at the most basic ideas of the movement. The criticism that I will focus on here is one of these, and its most famous presentation is in a paper sometimes regarded as the most important in all of twentiethcentury philosophy: W. V. Quine's "Two Dogmas of Empiricism" (1953).

  Quine argued for a holistic theory of testing, and he used this to motivate a holistic theory of meaning as well. In describing the view, first I should say something about holism in general. Many areas of philosophy contain views that are described using the term "holism." A holist argues that you cannot understand a particular thing without looking at its place in a larger whole. In the case we are concerned with here, holism about testing says that we cannot test a single hypothesis or sentence in isolation. Instead, we can only test complex networks of claims and assumptions. This is because only a complex network of claims and assumptions makes definite predictions about what we should observe.

  Let us look more closely at the idea that individual claims about the world cannot be tested in isolation. The idea is that in order to test one claim, you need to make assumptions about many other things. Often these will be assumptions about measuring instruments, the circumstances of observation, the reliability of records and of other observers, and so on. So whenever you think of yourself as testing a single idea, what you are really testing is a long, complicated conjunction of statements; it is the whole conjunction that gives you a definite prediction. If a test has an unexpected result, then something in that conjunction is false, but the failure of the test itself does not tell you where the error is.

  For example, suppose you want to test the hypothesis that high air pressure is associated with fair, stable weather. You make a series of observations, and what you seem to find is that high pressure is instead associated with unstable weather. It is natural to suspect that your original hypothesis was wrong, but there are other possibilities as well. It might be that your barometer does not give reliable measurements of air pressure. There might also be something wrong with the observations made (by you or others) of the weather conditions themselves. The unexpected observations are telling you that something is wrong, but the problem might lie with one of your background assumptions, not with the hypothesis you were trying to test.

  Some parts of this argument are convincing. It is true that only a network of claims and assumptions, not a single hypothesis alone, tells us what we should expect to observe. The failure of a prediction will always have a range of possible explanations. In that sense, testing is indeed holistic. But this leaves open the possibility that we might often have good reasons to lay the blame for a failed prediction at one place rather than another. In practice, science seems to have some effective ways of working out where to lay the blame. Giving a philosophical theory of these decisions is a difficult task, but the mere fact that failed predictions always have a range of possible explanations does not settle the holism debate.

  Holist arguments had a huge effect on the philosophy of science in the middle of the twentieth century. Quine, who sprinkled his writings with deft analogies and dry humor, argued that mainstream empiricism had been committed to a badly simplistic view of testing. We must accept, as Quine said in a famous metaphor, that our theories "face the tribuna
l of sense-experience ... as a corporate body" (1953, 4z). Logical positivism must be replaced with a holistic version of empiricism.

  But there is a puzzle here. The logical positivists already accepted that testing is holistic in the sense described above. Here is Herbert Feigl, writing in 1943: "No scientific assumption is testable in complete isolation. Only whole complexes of interrelated hypotheses can be put to the test" (1943, 16). Carnap had been saying the same thing (1937, 318). We can even find statements like this in Ayer's Language, Truth, and Logic (1936).

  Quine did recognize Pierre Duhem, a much earlier French physicist and philosopher, as someone who had argued for holism about testing. (Holism about testing is often called "the Duhem-Quine thesis.") But how could it be argued that logical positivists had dogmatically missed this important fact, when they repeatedly expressed it in print? Regardless of this, many philosophers agreed with Quine that logical positivism had made a bad mistake about testing in science.

  Though the history of the issue is strange, it might be fair to say this: although the logical positivists officially accepted a holistic view about testing, they did not appreciate the significance of the point. The verifiability principle seems to suggest that you can test sentences one at a time. It seems to attach a set of observable outcomes of tests to each sentence in isolation. Strictly, the positivists generally held that these observations are only associated with a specific hypothesis against a background of other assumptions. But then it seems questionable to associate the test results solely with the hypothesis itself. Quine, in contrast, made the consequences of holism about testing very clear. He also drew conclusions about language and meaning; given the link between testing and meaning asserted by logical positivism, holism about testing leads to holism about meaning. And holism about meaning causes problems for many logical positivist ideas.

 

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