The War of 1812

by Wesley B. Turner

  Dearborn ordered his forces to pursue the British. Meanwhile, Chauncey was heading back to Sackets Harbor and Yeo was sailing towards Burlington. On June 5, the American force of 3,400 men camped in a field at Stoney Creek. With the escarpment on one side and a swamp on the other, they could only be attacked from the front. Guards were stationed ahead of the army, but they were few and not alert.

  A local lad named Billy Green told the British of the American encampment and gave them the Americans’ password. After scouting the enemy position, Lieutenant-Colonel John Harvey persuaded Vincent to try a night attack. Through the darkness 704 men advanced silently towards the American sentries. Harvey had ordered them to take the flints out of their muskets so that they could not shoot and arouse the enemy. After silently bayoneting the American sentries, the troops rushed into the enemy’s camp . . . and started yelling!

  The awakened Americans began to shoot, and a confused struggle in the dark erupted. Men fired on troops of their own side. The American commanders blundered into British troops and were captured. Vincent became confused and got lost in the woods, not to be found until the next day by his men. The fighting ended before dawn with the British taking over one hundred prisoners, including several officers.

  Harvey collected his scattered troops and withdrew to his camp. The Americans retreated to Forty Mile Creek (Grimbsy), where they were reinforced by troops from the Niagara frontier. Still they were not safe. On June 7, Yeo’s ships appeared and, inland, Canadian militia and Indians began to gather.

  General Dearborn ordered a general retreat to Fort George. The Americans set fire to Fort Erie and withdrew from it and from Chippawa as well. Vincent moved forward, picking up supplies the Americans had left behind. Within a few days, he had troops posted at Twenty Mile Creek (Jordan), Twelve Mile Creek (St. Catharines) and De Cew’s farmhouse. The Americans held on to the area from Fort George to Queenston.

  Stoney Creek was a decisive battle, for it stopped the most threatening advance by the enemy into the Niagara Peninsula. The Americans would never again get as far into this vital part of Upper Canada. As well, the victory greatly boosted the morale of the defenders while causing dismay and confusion among the Americans.

  Canada’s defenders grew stronger. Vincent received more regulars and was able to send help to Procter at Amherstburg. Meanwhile, there had been growing criticism of Sheaffe’s leadership, and for some weeks he had been too ill to perform his duties. Prevost removed him from the command of Upper Canada and put Major-General Baron Francis de Rottenburg in his place.

  An American infantryman.

  [Courtesy of Parks Canada Service.]

  The invaders now held only a corner of the Peninsula. As a first step in breaking Vincent’s defensive line, they decided to try to capture the post at De Cew’s house. Lieutenant James FitzGibbon held it with about fifty men of the 49th Regiment; nearby, there were other troops, militia, and Indians.

  Lieutenant Colonel Charles Boerstler led about six hundred Americans to Queenston on June 23 and spent the night there. The next day, his force of infantry, dragoons, mounted riflemen, and artillerymen set out for FitzGibbon’s post. They had hoped to surprise it, but soon realized that the British had been warned of their advance. Nevertheless, confident in their strength, they continued until they were ambushed by native warriors attacking both their rear and their right flank. The Indians, 465 strong, included Seven Nations warriors from Lower Canada, Grand River Iroquois, and several other groups.8 They had several leaders, but the senior commander was Captain Dominique Ducharme of the Indian Department.

  Portrait bust of Laura Secord by Mildred Peel, O.S.A.

  [From the collection of the Government of Ontario.]

  For three hours the Americans fought desperately against attackers they could barely see. They were terrified that if they surrendered the Indians would kill them all. FitzGibbon heard the shooting and hurried over with his troops. By this time the Americans were more than to willing to surrender to him. The victory, however, belonged to the Indians. FitzGibbon later wrote, “. . . not a shot was fired on our side by any but the Indians. They beat the American detachment into a state of terror. . . .”9

  Beaver Dams was a small but important victory. American morale sank as, once again, a strong American force failed in a fairly simple task. The advance into Upper Canada was bringing not success but a series of humiliating defeats.

  The Battle of Moravian Town, October 2, 1813.

  [Courtesy of the Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington,

  Indiana.]

  Beaver Dams was important to Canadians also because it produced the best-known heroine of the war. Laura Secord overheard the American officers in Queenston talking about the plan to attack De Cew’s house and thought no time should be lost in warning FitzGibbon. Although she had a farm, children, and a wounded husband to look after, she undertook the difficult journey as soon as possible. Her route lay through thick woods, over sharp rocks and across unbridged streams, with the additional danger that she might be caught by American patrols. Historians do not know for certain whether or not her mission affected the battle of Beaver Dams, but she deserves to be remembered for her loyalty and courage.

  The situation on the Niagara front was now a stalemate. The Americans could not break out from Fort George and recapture the peninsula, but the British and Canadians could not retake the fort. Skirmishing continued. In July, regulars and militia twice raided American posts across the river, bringing back guns and supplies, including salt, which was scarce in Upper Canada. In August, there was a clash between the Indians on either side and an unsuccessful attack on Fort George. Basically, however, both sides had no choice but to settle down and await the outcome of fighting elsewhere.

  At this time, the Americans made a change in their policy towards Indian warriors. From not wanting to employ them in 1812, they recruited them in 1813 to serve within the United States. In July, General Dearborn went further and asked Erastus Granger to send Iroquois fighting men to the garrison at Fort George. Eventually, a battalion of about four hundred Iroquois was enrolled and they took an active part in skirmishes and battles in Upper Canada.

  PROCTER’S DEFEAT AND THE DEATH OF TECUMSEH

  American control of Lake Erie meant that even with Tecumseh’s help Procter could not hold on to Detroit nor stay at Fort Malden and Amherstburg. Supplies were short and the supply line seriously endangered. He had fewer than nine hundred regulars (mostly of the 41st), all of them weary from fighting and weakened by fever. American forces numbering several thousand could easily surround his position. But Tecumseh, who wanted to stay and fight, vehemently opposed a retreat. Hence, relations between the two leaders became increasingly strained during the withdrawal and final battle.

  Although Procter really had no choice but to retreat up the Thames River towards Vincent’s army, his time-consuming preparations gave the Americans time to move their forces and follow close behind. Procter left Fort Malden on September 27, only hours before Harrison landed with his troops from Perry’s ships. Reinforcements, including mounted riflemen, joined Harrison on October 1. With his forces, now about 3,500 strong, he set out after Procter.

  The British troops with their Indian allies, tired and hungry, struggled slowly over muddy trails in a badly organized retreat. No defences had been built so that troops could stop and fight delaying actions nor did Procter make sure that all the bridges were destroyed. The Americans, confident of victory, pursued quickly. By October 4, they were so close that Procter knew he had to make a stand. About three kilometres from Moraviantown, Procter turned to face the enemy. Fewer than five hundred of his men were fit to fight. These he placed across the road and among trees with the river to their left. On their right, in woods and swamps, Tecumseh and about eight hundred Indians waited.

  Monument honouring Tecumseh near the site of his death at the

  Battle of the Thames.

  [Courtesy of the author.]

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p; The battle on October 5 was short and fierce. The American horsemen charged. The British troops, thrown into confusion, fired once or twice, then hastened to surrender. Procter tried valiantly to rally them but failed. He fled towards Moraviantown and beyond. Tecumseh and his Indians fought on bitterly until he was killed; then the survivors retreated.

  Harrison burned Moraviantown, but decided not to advance further, probably because that would over-stretch his supply line. Once again, a serious American inroad into Upper Canada produced limited rather than decisive results. Harrison returned to Detroit where, on October 17, he issued a proclamation establishing civil administration for the Michigan Territory and western Upper Canada, thus beginning an occupation of the area that lasted for the remainder of the war.

  During the days after the battle, Procter collected soldiers who had escaped and assembled 246 of them at Ancaster. Rottenburg, who was in Kingston, thought the setback so serious that everything west of Kingston should be abandoned. But General Vincent, the local commander, and other officers at Burlington wanted to hold on to their position as long as possible. They may have been influenced also by the presence of over 1,400 native refugees, most of them men, women, and children who had fled from the Grand River because they feared American reprisals. Their leaders urged Vincent to “have confidence” and make a stand.10

  It was different for the western Indians, for with the death of Tecumseh they lost heart. They signed a cease-fire with Harrison and this ended organized native resistance to the Americans around Lake Erie. Further north, the Indians continued to support the British, who remained in control of the forts and lakes.

  AMERICAN DEFEATS

  By August, Armstrong realized that his plan was not achieving the conquest of Upper Canada. He wanted Kingston captured or cut off by an invasion down the St. Lawrence. Major-General Wilkinson, who had now taken over from Dearborn, agreed to try this in combination with a move against Montreal by Hampton.

  In September, while preparations for the major attack were underway, Hampton tried to divert British attention by invading Lower Canada. He withdrew almost immediately — not because he was opposed, but because he could not find drinking water for his men and horses. His next attempt, further west along the route of the Chateauguay River, was no more successful. On October 21, he led about three thousand soldiers with ten guns into Lower Canada. Most of his New York militiamen, however, refused to cross the frontier.

  In Hampton’s way stood a force of three hundred Canadian Fencibles, Canadian Voltigeurs, militia, and a few Indians, all commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Charles de Salaberry. Behind them were about 1,200 militia and 150 Indians under Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell. Salaberry, from a prominent French-Canadian family, had served in the British army since 1793. (His father had served in the militia and three of his brothers were killed while fighting for the British.) He had fought in the West Indies and Europe against the French. In the spring of 1812, Prevost appointed him to raise a Provincial Corps of Light Infantry, (the Canadian Voltigeurs). This was a militia corps and most of its recruits were Canadians from Lower Canada.

  The St. Lawrence region in the War of 1812.

  [Reprinted from The Defended Border, by Morris Zaslow (Toronto, Macmillan of Canada, 1964), p. 64.]

  In a brief fight on October 25, Salaberry’s few Canadians stopped Hampton’s much larger force. Casualties were light: about fifty Americans to twenty-five Canadians. Yet the small battle of Chateauguay was important because it ended a serious threat to Montreal. Hampton retreated and soon withdrew to Lake Champlain for the winter. This battle is remembered also because it was won entirely by Canadians, both French- and English-speaking, fighting side by side. Chateauguay has become part of the Canadian sense of nationalism. Salaberry, who received a gold medal for the victory, became a Canadian hero.

  Cartoon depicting the European view of how the Indians treated

  and mocked prisoners of war.

  [Courtesy of Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.]

  Early in October, Wilkinson arrived at Sackets Harbor with all the regulars from the Niagara frontier. He decided not to attack Kingston because it had been reinforced. Instead, he set out with nearly eight thousand men and a large fleet of boats to advance down the St. Lawrence against Montreal. He did not know that Armstrong thought it was too late in the season for such an attack. In fact, Armstrong had decided the troops should go into winter quarters but he had neglected to tell Wilkinson.

  As soon as Rottenburg heard of the American advance, he ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph W. Morrison to pursue. His eight hundred regulars along with two small guns went on board sixty bateaux, seven gunboats, and two schooners. These could not pass the rapids below Prescott where Morrison was joined by nearly four hundred men including thirty Mohawk warriors. Wilkinson, with over 7,300 troops employed more than three hundred boats protected by twelve gunboats.

  Wilkinson was not expecting any opposition as he advanced. To his surprise, Canadian militia hurried to the riverbank and, hiding behind trees and rocks, took every opportunity to shoot at the invaders. Wilkinson had to land 2,500 soldiers on the Canadian side to drive them away and to protect his boats as they passed through the Long Sault rapids. Learning about the forces pursuing him, he sent more regulars to act as a rear guard. This unit alone outnumbered the pursuers.

  The two forces skirmished on November 10 but Morrison wanted to avoid a full-scale battle until he was on ground of his own choosing. He spent the night of November 10 in the home of John Crysler, a prosperous farmer and captain in the Dundas militia. Less than two kilometres away was the American camp at Michael Cook’s tavern. Many of the soldiers of both armies had to sleep outside with little to protect them from the cold rain and sleet.

  The next day saw confusion among the American leaders. Wilkinson had become increasingly sick during the advance and spent the day in bed on his boat. He supposedly delegated his authority to Major-General Morgan Lewis, who was also ill and in bed on a boat, but continued to give orders to the officer in charge of the rear guard, Brigadier-General John P. Boyd. Not clear what his orders were, Boyd simply waited for the British to appear. He had about 2,400 infantry plus cavalry (Dragoons) and artillery — altogether over 3,000 men to deal with Morrison’s little army of less than 1,200.11 They waited in the rain to see what the British would do.

  Between Morrison and the Americans stretched ploughed fields cut across by split rail fences. On his right lay the St. Lawrence where Captain William Mulcaster’s gunboats guarded his flank and on his left were swampy pine woods. He could only be attacked in front where the enemy would have to cross two large ravines and two small gullies while also getting through the numerous fences. It was an ideal battleground for his veteran regulars of the 49th and 89th Foot, his artillery, and his skillful skirmishers, the Canadian Voltigeurs and Indian warriors, who would fight in the woods.

  The battle began with these light troops firing on the Americans, who drove them back on the main British force. The Americans then made repeated attacks with their infantry but were stopped by steady musket volleys from the British 89th and 49th Regiments, supported by artillery shells. By the time they had brought up their own artillery and cavalry, many of their infantry had used up their ammunition and had begun to retreat. American artillery inflicted severe losses on the 49th Foot, but their infantry could not stand up to a bayonet charge ordered by Morrison. Boyd received an order to withdraw, although both Wilkinson and Lewis denied issuing the order. As his troops moved back, a small reinforcement appeared, but too late to save the day. Boyd’s casualties were heavy: more than four hundred killed, wounded and captured while Morrison lost over two hundred men.12

  Two days later, an American soldier wrote in a letter “Our troops retreated with great precipitation to the boats, and crossed the river, leaving the British on the field. . . . What appears most extraordinary in this affair is that nearly 1,000 of our troops crossed to the American side du
ring the engagement”13 — which seems to mean they deserted under fire!

  Despite this defeat, Wilkinson’s force was still the stronger by far, and on November 12, the Americans passed the rapids. But Wilkinson’s illness continued, his morale as well as the army’s was low, and winter was coming. The invaders realized that they had a long way to go to Montreal and that capturing it would be far from easy.

  British cartoon mocking American sea power.

  [Courtesy Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana.]

  Wilkinson and Hampton acting together could have cut the route from Montreal to Upper Canada. However, any hope of this outcome ended with Hampton’s withdrawal to Lake Champlain. When Wilkinson got the news, he was furious. Blaming Hampton for the failure of the invasion, he took his army out of Canada.

  It was the ignominious end of the major American effort against Montreal during the entire war. Generals Wilkinson and Hampton soon fell to accusing each other of being responsible for the defeat and anger towards them was widespread among both civilians and soldiers. One officer wrote to his wife, “Never was there an army so completely cursed and damned with the miserable arrangements of stupid asses of Generals as ours.”14 Hampton and several other officers left the army or were removed, but the devious Armstrong and incompetent Wilkinson remained in their positions until the next year.15

  Although the offensive against Montreal failed, it did affect events on the Niagara Peninsula. Very few American regulars were left along the Niagara frontier. All the posts, including Fort George, were occupied by a few hundred New York militia under the command of Brigadier-General George McClure, a militia officer. The British managed to retake the smaller posts one by one, and by December the Americans held only the fort.

  A gunner of the US Artillery.