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The Crossing

Page 19

by Howard Fast


  On July 24, 1776, Washington issued an order recommending hunting shirts for all troops.

  Southeastern Pennsylvania had been for years a center of refuge and settlement for German religious dissenters. By this time, there were many established settlements of Mennonites, Moravians and Lutherans. The Moravians were Germanized Bohemians, followers of John Huss, with a long tradition of resistance to oppression. The Pennsylvania Germans provided many regiments of troops for General Washington’s army, and they fought through the war with steadiness and devotion. The Moravians in particular provided medical services, nursing, and so much food that they often went hungry themselves.

  NOTES: Chapter 15

  I have seen several accounts of General Israel Putnam’s intransigeance and cruelty, qualities which went with his rock-like dependability. Some might argue that such is virtue in the ultimate horror of war, but Washington and many of his staff officers were able to fight and come to victory without those qualities of heartlessness.

  The following, from Bedini’s fascinating Ridgefield in Review, is to the above point:

  Among the papers of Lieutenant Samuel Richards, paymaster in Colonel Wylly’s regiment, was the following account:

  “Feb. 4, 1779. Was tried at a general Court Martial Edward Jones for Going to and serving the enemy, and coming out as a spy—found guilty of each and every charge Exhibited against him, and according to the Law and Usages of Nations was sentenced to suffer death.

  “The General (Putnam) approves the sentence and orders it to be put in execution between the hours of ten and eleven A.M. by hanging him by the neck till he be DEAD.”

  Two days later a soldier of the First Connecticut Regiment was tried and found guilty of desertion to the enemy, and General Putnam ordered the two prisoners to be executed at the same time. Accordingly, the hill which rose above and beyond the American camp (now known as Gallows Hill) was selected for the execution and a gallows was erected. Barber related that the hangman absconded and several boys about twelve years of age were ordered by Putnam to serve in his place. Jones was compelled to ascend a ladder to the gallows, which was about twenty feet from the ground. After the rope had been placed about his neck, General Putnam ordered him to jump from the ladder. Jones refused, however, and stated that he was not guilty of the crime with which he was charged. Putnam then reportedly ordered the boys to overturn the ladder, and, upon their refusal, forced them to do so at the point of his sword …

  NOTES: Chapter 18

  General Washington and the Continental Congress saw the struggle very differently. Though Congress was ready to concede immediate if not ultimate hopelessness, Washington would not admit more than a temporary difficulty. His refusal to admit defeat at this low point is well illustrated in the following exchange of correspondence, as quoted by William S. Stryker, The Battles of Trenton and Princeton, Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1898. The letter is dated December 12, 1776.

  “To Colonel Cadwalader: You are to post your Brigade at and near Bristol. Colonel Nickerson’s Regiment to continue where it is at Dunk’s ferry but if you find from reconnoitering the ground, or from any movements of the enemy, that any other disposition is necessary, you’ll make it accordingly without waiting to hear from me, but to acquaint me with the alterations and the reasons for it as soon as possible. You’l [sic] establish the necessary guards and throw up some little redoubts at Dunk’s ferry and the different passes in the Neshamine.”

  “Pay particular attention to Dunk’s ferry as its’ [sic] not improbable that something may be attempted there. Spare no pains or expense to get intelligence of the enemies [sic] motions and intentions. Any promises made, or sums advanced, shall be fully complied with and discharged. Keep proper Patrols going from guard to guard. Every piece of intelligence you obtain worthy notice, send it forward by express. If the enemy attempts a landing on this side you’l [sic] give them all the opposition in your power. Should they land between Trenton Falls and Bordentown ferry or anywhere above Bristol, and you find your force quite unequal to their force give them what opposition you can at Neshamine ferry and fords. In a word you are to give them all the opposition you can without hazzarding [sic] the loss of your Brigade.”

  On the same day Washington wrote to General Ewing as follows: “Sir:—Your Brigade is to guard the river Delaware from the ferry opposite to Bordentown until you come within two miles or thereabouts of Yardley’s Mill to which General Dickinson’s will extend.”

  “About one hundred or a hundred and fifty men will I think be sufficient at the post opposite to Bordentown. The principal part of your force should be as convenient as possible to the ford above Holp’s Mill in order that if a passage should be attempted at that place you may be able to give the earliest and most spirited opposition; the success of which depending upon good intelligence and the vigilance [sic] of your guards and sentrys [sic] will induce you to use every means in your power to procure the first and every endeavor to enforce and encourage the latter.”

  Washington then goes on to say as he did to Cadwalader: “Spare no pains nor costs to gain information of the enemies [sic] movements and designs. Whatever sums you pay to obtain this end I will cheerfully refund. Every piece of information worthy of communication transmit to me without loss of time.”

  It is interesting to note the stress that Washington places upon payment for information. Apparently he is not then under the spell of a mythology of so-called patriotism that is to entwine itself in after-years around the people who were involved in the Revolution as spies.

  The third communication, not unlike the above two, was sent to General Dickinson, whose troops were guarding the area around Yardley’s Ferry. Washington had decided that an attitude of defense must contain within itself the greatest mobility possible, so few were his troops, and he wrote to General Dickinson as he had written to both Ewing and Cadwalader, as follows:

  “See the troops always have three days’ provisions cooked before hand and keep them together as much as possible night and day that they may be in readiness in the shortest notice to make head against the enemy.”

  Before the day of the twelfth was over a letter from Colonel Joseph Reed was handed to General Washington, just to make certain that he would sleep poorly if at all. The letter from Joseph Reed read as follows:

  “Dear Sir—The gentlemen of the Light Horse who went into the Jerseys have returned safe. They preceded into the country till they met an intelligent person directly from Trenton, who informed them that General Howe was then with the main body of his army: that the flying army, consisting of the Light Infantry and Grenadiers, under Lord Cornwallis, still lay at Pennytown and there was no appearance of a movement, that they are certainly waiting for boats from Brunswick; that he believed they would attempt a landing in more places than one; that their artillery park has thirty pieces of cannon—all field pieces. They are collecting horses from all parts of the country. Some movement was intended yesterday morning but laid aside; but what it was and why they did not proceed he does not know. I sent off a person to Trenton yesterday morning with directions to return by Pennytown. I told him to go to——and to get what intelligence he could from him. He has not yet returned. I expect him every moment. I charged him to let——know that, if he would watch their motions and the performance of the time and place of their proposed landing, he should receive a large reward for which I would be answerable. I cannot but think but that their landing will be between this and Trenton.…”

  NOTES: Chapter 19

  Charles M. Lefferts, in his astonishing (and often inventive) book on uniforms of the Revolution, shows the Jägers with cocked hats and leggings instead of boots. They were unquestionably the best and most practical soldiers of their time, and they were the only British-commanded regiment to use both rifle and bayonet. The capture of some of the Jägers at Trenton is the highest tribute to what the Americans accomplished.

  What follows is Lefferts’ description of the Field Jäger Corps of
Hesse-Cassel:

  “This rifle corps had detachments in almost every skirmish and battle of the American Revolution. The Brunswick and Anspach yagers or chasseurs wore the same dress but with bright red facings and linings to the coats. On parade, they wore tall green feathers in their hats above the green silk cockade, and in summer white linen breeches. Officers were distinguished by a white feather, and gold lace on the cuffs and lapels. Sergeants by a white feather with red top, and gold lace on the cuffs. Their whole uniform was much superior to those of the line regiments, and they were considered a ‘Corps d’élite.’”

  NOTES: Chapter 22

  Most of the detailed information concerning the capture of General Charles Lee at Baskingridge by the British derives from the journal of James Wilkinson. This fascinating book was titled Memoirs of My Own Times, and was published in Philadelphia in 1816. However, there were some other points of view.

  Joseph Trumbull, commissary general of the army, wrote to Governor Trumbull soon after Lee’s capture, setting down the story of the Tory and the stolen horse, and confirmation of this incident came from British sources. Fonblanque, in his Life of General Burgoyne, mentions that the Queen’s Light Dragoons—who effected the capture—were a part of Burgoyne’s command and had acted much as Wilkinson states. The dragoons, in this case, were under the command of Cornet Banastre Tarleton. Major William Bradford of Rhode Island specifies the Tory as one James Compton, who lived in Baskingridge. Tarleton stated afterward that his troopers had surrounded the inn when they effected Lee’s capture. So the escape of Major Wilkinson remains a mystery.

  The following documents relate the capture of General Lee.

  Banastre Tarleton to his mother.

  Prince’s Town, December 18, 1776

  My dear Madam

  Our correspondence is totally stopt, so few ships go to and come from England on acct. of the quantity of American privateers that this continent seems utterly secluded from Great Britain.

  You will with pleasure, if you receive it, read this letter. Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis, under whose command the King’s army has penetrated into the Jerseys as far as the River Delaware, being ignorant of General Lee’s motions and situation, gave orders on the 11th inst. for a party of the Queen’s Light Dragoons, consisting of a captain, 2 subalterns and 25 privates, to be ready to march in expedition order the next morning. Colonel Harcourt who was with the regiment received his private orders from Lord Cornwallis, together with Captain Eustace, his Lordship’s aid de camp, who attended us on this expedition.

  Our first day’s march was 18 miles, but barren of incidents. We took up our quarters at night at Hillsborough upon the River Millstone. A battalion of the 71st covered us at that place. Our house caught fire at 1 o’clock in the morning and burnt to the ground. We escaped without loss or damage—we bedded ourselves in straw till 5 o’clock. We then received orders to march. Col. Harcourt gave me the advanced guard, consisting of 6 men: a circumstance I ever shall esteem as one of the most fortunate of my life. We marched by different and cross roads towards Maurice Town. We had not proceeded above 14 miles before the advanced guard discovered some and took one Rebel in arms. We marched 2 miles forward, then Colonel Harcourt found by some people that General Lee was not above 4 or 5 miles distant from the detachment, and at the same time heard that our retreat was cut off by the road we had come. He detached Captain Nash with 4 dragoons back to prove the truth of the last information. Colonel Harcourt then ordered me to advance. We trotted on about 3 miles when my advanced guard seized 2 sentrys without firing a gun.

  The dread of instant death obliged these fellows to inform me, to the best of my knowledge, of the situation of General Lee. They told us he was about a mile off, that his guard was not very large and that he was about half a mile in the rear of his army. These men were so confused that they gave us but an imperfect idea where General Lee was. Colonel Harcourt immediately detached me with 2 men only to the top of an eminence in the road, to get what intelligence I could, and if much fired upon, immediately to retreat upon him. In going quick to the ground I observed a Yankee light-horseman, at whom I rushed and made prisoner. I brought him in to Colonel Harcourt; the fear of the sabre extorted great intelligence, and he told us he had just left General Lee from whom he had an express to carry to General Sullivan at Pukamin [sic]. He could not satisfy me exactly as to the strength of General Lee’s guard, but confirmed the account of the other 2 prisoners as to his situation.

  He said he thought his guard did not consist of above 30 men. He pointed out to us the house where he had left General Lee and mentioned that he was going to move directly.

  Colonel Harcourt called to Eustace, to know whether he thought we were strong enough. Eustace replyed in the affirmative. Without further consultation I was ordered to lead on my advanced guard which consisted of only 5 men as quick as possible. I went on at full speed, when perceiving two sentrys at a door and a loaded waggon I pushed at them, making all the noise I could. The sentrys were struck with a panic, dropped their arms and fled. I ordered my men to fire into the house thro’ every window and door, and cut up as many of the guard as they could. An old woman upon her knees begged for life and told me General Lee was in the house.

  This assurance gave me pleasure. I carried on my attack with all possible spirit and surrounded the house, tho’ fired upon in front, flank and rear. General Lee’s aid de camp, 2 French colonels and some of the guard kept up a fire for about 8 minutes, which we silenced. I fired twice through the door of the house and then addressed myself to this effect: “I knew Genl. Lee was in the house, that if he would surrender himself, he and his attendants should be safe, but if my summons was not complied with immediately, the house should be burnt and every person without exception should be put to the sword.”

  At this instant I was called by one of my men to the back door, my attention being directly engaged by his saying that Genl. Lee was escaping that way and I galloped to the spot. The French colonels, one of the aid de camp (the other being shot) and some of the guard attempted to retreat sword in hand. We took one colonel prisoner, the rest were killed or wounded. Genl. Lee surrendered himself to the sentry I had placed at the front door, whilst we were employed as above. The prisoner was led to Col. Harcourt, who was silencing the fires in my rear and flanks whilst I carried on the attack upon Genl. Lee’s quarters with the advanced guard only. Col. Harcourt placed his noble prisoner upon a horse and led him off by a different road from that which we had come with all possible expedition.

  The bugle horn was then sounded. I brought up the rear of the men and the French colonel. This attack which continued in the whole about 15 minutes proved fatal to none of the officers or dragoons. One horse’s leg which was slightly grazed and one saddle which was shot through the pommel were the only damages we sustained. We retreated afterwards 13 miles thro’ an enemys country without any accident. We then forded a river, approached Hillsborough and gave each other congratulations with every symptom of joy.

  Captain Nash whom I mentioned being detached did not join us again till Genl. Lee was our prisoner. He was beat back from the place where we had passed in the morning and where they meant to cut off our retreat. He lost a servant and a horse. The party returned safe.

  This is a most miraculous event—it appears like a dream. We conducted Genl. Lee and the French col. to Lord Cornwallis at Penning. Our day’s march only exceeded 60 miles.

  Genl. Lee is sent prisoner to Brunswick. Colonel Harcourt’s whole conduct was masterly—it deserves every applause. Present my love, comps., etc. (I shall tire you if I write any more).

  I forgot to tell you that this coup de main has put an end to the campaign. We have not yet crossed the Delaware. The Queen’s Regt. of Lt. Dragoons are cantoned off Princes Town and Brunswick; at the former exists one who will always be proud to subscribe himself

  Your affectionate son

  BANASTRE TARLETON

  —BASS, The Green Dragoon, pp. 20–2
2.

  Memoirs of Captain James Wilkinson of the Continental Army.

  General Lee wasted the morning in altercation with certain militia corps who were of his command, particularly the Connecticut light horse, several of whom appeared in large full-bottomed perukes, and were treated very irreverently; the call of the adjutant general for orders also occupied some of his time, and we did not sit down to breakfast before 10 o’clock. General Lee was engaged in answering General Gates’s letter, and I had risen from the table and was looking out of an end window down a lane about one hundred yards in length which led to the house from the main road, when I discovered a party of British dragoons turn a corner of the avenue at a full charge.

  Startled at this unexpected spectacle, I exclaimed, “Here, Sir, are the British cavalry!”

  “Where?” replied the general, who had signed his letter in the instant.

  “Around the house;” for they had opened files and encompassed the building.

  General Lee appeared alarmed, yet collected, and his second observation marked his self-possession: “Where is the guard?—damn the guard, why don’t they fire?” and after a momentary pause, he turned to me and said, “Do, Sir, see what has become of the guard.”

  The women of the house at this moment entered the room and proposed to him to conceal himself in a bed, which he rejected with evident disgust. I caught up my pistols which lay on the table, thrust the letter he had been writing into my pocket, and passed into a room at the opposite end of the house, where I had seen the guard in the morning. Here I discovered their arms; but the men were absent. I stepped out of the door and perceived the dragoons chasing them in different directions, and receiving a very uncivil salutation, I returned into the house.

  Too inexperienced immediately to penetrate the motives of this enterprize, I considered the rencontre accidental, and from the terrific tales spread over the country of the violence and barbarity of the enemy, I believed it to be a wanton murdering party, and determined not to die without company. I accordingly sought a position where I could not be approached by more than one person at a time, and with a pistol in each hand I awaited the expected search, resolved to shoot the first and the second person who might appear, and then to appeal to my sword. I did not remain long in this unpleasant situation, but was apprised of the object of the incursion by the very audible declaration, “If the general does not surrender in five minutes, I will set fire to the house;” which after a short pause was repeated with a solemn oath; and within two minutes I heard it proclaimed, “Here is the general. He has surrendered.” A general shout ensued, the trumpet sounded the assembly, and the unfortunate Lee mounted on my horse, which stood ready at the door, was hurried off in triumph, bareheaded, in his slippers and blanket coat, his collar open, and his shirt very much soiled from several days’ use.

 

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