Brotherhood Beyond the Yard (The Simon Trilogy)

by Sally Fernandez

  When Marianne cross-examined each of the witnesses, she asked directly, “Did you ask the Chestnut Foundation volunteer for which candidate you should vote?”

  Each responded in a similar fashion. “Yes, but the volunteers said they were not allowed to express their views on any one candidate.”

  Clearly, Marianne had coached them well, for they did not perjure themselves. They simply left out the whispered name at the end of the volunteer’s answer. The strategy was brilliant despite the questionable tactics, and Marianne won a crucial case. The victory was vital. It was the same technique Hank had planned to use for both the senatorial and the presidential races.

  As soon as the government dropped the charges against the Chestnut Foundation, Marianne and Abner began to collaborate on a different, more personal case—each other.

  —

  Evidently, Simon has a feel for human nature, thought Hank. His psychology studies paid off, because in a few short weeks Marianne and Abner were a hot item.

  Hank relieved Abner of his duties at the foundation so he could concentrate on his campaign by day, and leave time for wooing at night. He then promoted Marianne to fill the vacancy created by Abner’s departure.

  Of course, Abner was never far away, as the courting intensified. Within weeks, Marianne had invited him to escort her to her brother’s wedding, a full-fledged family affair, and the first real test for Abner at a formal social gathering. Marianne found Abner’s charm, intelligence, and passion for community causes captivating. Hank, being rather cynical and overprotective, felt she found the idea of his run for the U.S. Senate equally enchanting.

  —

  Hank leased another office space, this time on Michigan Avenue in downtown Chicago, and set up campaign headquarters. Forgoing the “testing the waters” activities usually conducted by an individual considering running for office, Hank assisted Abner in filing the necessary FEC Form 2, “Statement of Candidacy,” with the Federal Election Commission. Hank asked him to list “Baari for Congress” as his designated principal campaign committee, opting not to designate other authorized committees.

  “The less complicated, the better,” Hank explained.

  Hank then asked Chase, as the appointed treasurer, to file the FEC Form 1, “Statement of Organization,” within the next ten days.

  There was one more obstacle to overcome. Hank had to convince both the Illinois governor and Chicago’s mayor to deflect any attacks on their administrations during the campaign free-for-all. He would remind them of the voter’s short-term memories.

  —

  The past month had gone by quickly, and when La Fratellanza reconvened, its members were in the final stages and almost ready to launch the senatorial campaign.

  Predictably, Simon, never at a loss for words or ideas, was the first to speak.

  “We just got our first real break,” he gleefully announced. “I just learned that a state senator from the first congressional district of Illinois is stepping down due to a personal illness. This district just happens to contain most of the South Side of Chicago, where sixty-five-point-five percent are African American and four-point-eight percent are Hispanic.” Feeling a need to point out the obvious, he said, “Baari’s platform will surely appeal to this segment of the population.”

  All suspicious eyes were on Simon, he innocently denied being involved in any way. “It was simply a lucky break,” he stated. Ignoring their doubting thoughts he asked, “Hank, can you possibly con the governor to appoint Baari as interim state senator?”

  “Sure. There are only eleven months until the end of the term. I assume the state would willingly want to forgo an expensive and possibly contentious runoff election.”

  The others jumped in to express their opinions, cutting Hank off before he had an opportunity to continue. All except Simon and Hank believed it would be too much, too soon, and Abner needed to focus on the U.S. Senate election, as well as continue to sharpen his skills.

  “If he slips up in any way it will be devastating for the campaign,” Seymour argued, which didn’t evoke any retort.

  Hank, however, supremely persuaded that his protégé was ready for the national stage, believed he could also handle a short stint in the state senate as a precursor. “With the exposure at the state level, Illinois constituents will be so enamored with Abner that, based on the campaign for United States Senate, no one will even focus on his brief time in the state senate,” Hank assured. “All he has to do is show up, cast a few votes—or, as Illinois protocol permits, simply vote present—and avoid any major controversy.”

  Simon concurred, pointing out, “When it comes time to run for president, another leg of experience will be crucial.”

  “I’ll support it, but it will be up to Hank to control Abner,” Paolo noted, less effusive than usual.

  Seymour and Chase concurred despite their misgivings.

  Hank injected a positive note. “I have been able to get the governor and the mayor to agree to take the heat from the political, carefully calculated campaign assaults on the Chicago Machine. I’m sure appointing Abner as interim state senator will be a piece of cake. Both elected officials will take any strategic measures to increase their influence in Washington, and especially in the White House,” he added with a touch of cockiness.

  Within the week, Abner Baari was sworn in as a member of the Illinois State Senate.

  It was a substantial leap toward their ultimate plan.

  —

  That same week Seymour unveiled his campaign slogan.

  “Action, not Promises,” he trumpeted. “The mantra is ‘Fighting for the will of the people and not the politicians’ will.’ If we attack the inaction of any incumbent and of Washington at the same time, setting the stage for the 2008 presidential campaign, Abner’s lack of any meaningful experience will fade into the background.”

  “Especially lacking business or legislative experience in Washington,” Paolo reminded Seymour, as he looked Hank’s way.

  Seymour, ignoring the interruption, continued. “I also set up a studio at campaign headquarters where I plan to film Abner giving various speeches—sometimes seated, sometimes standing—always with the American flag to his right and the Illinois state flag to his left.”

  It was Simon’s turn to interrupt. “Just make sure he always looks very presidential.”

  Seymour, not relinquishing the floor, briefly described his design for several ad campaigns citing the campaign slogan and attacking the incumbent for inaction.

  Support for the campaign and the approach was unanimous.

  As they congratulated Seymour on his campaign strategy and the tools he had created, Simon once again intruded, “Also attack the senator for misuse of campaign funds.”

  “I was not aware of any malfeasance on the part of the incumbent,” Seymour responded.

  “I’ll find a way. Just create the ads,” Simon said, with his famous Cheshire cat smile.

  Chase recoiled, but the others were blasé.

  Within the week, Paolo had produced five speeches, each containing a central theme, and replicating the rest of the core content. “I’ve been coordinating my effort with Seymour, having checked in with him several weeks ago, and have incorporated the campaign slogan into the speeches. I have to admit, when I heard it was ‘Action, not Promises,’ I knew it would fly with the rest of you. The speeches are ready to go,” Paolo proudly stated, gesticulating in Italian fashion, a mannerism he never lost.

  “While you’ve all been having fun, I was busy working with Simon to set up the Web site for our 501(c)(4) group, which we named ActionForward.org,” Chase groaned. “Admittedly, I am happy to report the donations are starting to come in. Now I’m inundated with forms and reports that must be filed with the FEC,” he added with even less enthusiasm.

  “That’s the spirit, Chase,” Hank teased. “It’s the American way.” Not missing a beat, Hank announced, “I’ve been busy scheduling a multitude of speaking engagements for Abne
r, and you may have noticed that when he is not standing at a podium or shaking hands and kissing babies, he is with Marianne.”

  —

  In fact, Abner and Marianne were dating so seriously that Abner sat down with Hank one evening and rather sheepishly asked, “Will you be my best man?”

  Hank was thrilled, but not surprised, since Abner had left obvious clues.

  They had been dating for only six months, which would seem unusually quick, but out of necessity everything was operating at warp speed. Hank’s foremost thought was, I couldn’t have planned it better myself.

  “I proposed to Marianne last evening, and without hesitation, she accepted,” Abner reported with a grin, reminiscent of the one he had displayed when he first arrived in Chicago. He elaborated that they had planned a small, unassuming ceremony and set the date for the following Saturday. Then he asked for a few days off for a quick honeymoon in Mexico. Both he and Marianne felt that time was of the essence, especially since the campaign was accelerating. “Besides, we are committed to each other and there is no point in delaying the inevitable.”

  “I will relieve Marianne of her duties at the foundation, but when you return from Mexico I’d like her to join the campaign,” Hank requested.

  “I don’t see that as a problem. I’m sure she will be thrilled.”

  Hank rearranged Abner’s speaking engagements, and two weeks later, Mr. and Mrs. Abner Baari hit the campaign trail.

  —

  Abner’s constituents were electrified by his oratory, and the media was in awe of his liberal idealism. His opponent was enraged, complaining to everyone and anyone who would lend an ear. The governor and mayor of Chicago survived the masterly cloaked attacks from Seymour’s fierce negative ads. The turnout of voters on Election Day was phenomenal, a result of the enthusiasm generated.

  “It shouldn’t have been so easy,” the La Fratellanza members concluded.

  However, six months after returning home from his honeymoon, State Senator Abner Baari was sworn in, this time as one of the United States senators from Illinois.

  That evening, the junior senator and his wife celebrated their win with his campaign staff.

  —

  On the South Side of Chicago, Simon was planning his own celebration. The champagne was on ice and the foie gras and cigars were in abundance as he waited for the other members of La Fratellanza to arrive. Simon sensed his brothers’ restlessness to return to a normal life, but he desperately needed them for the final phase. The celebration was more about appealing to their egos than Senator Baari’s accomplishment.

  Close to midnight, each arrived, still on a high from their sensational victory.

  Simon seized the moment to compliment them for their hard work and reminded them of the incredible feat they had pulled off so smoothly.

  “Congratulations! As a team, we plucked a young man from the streets of Florence and catapulted him to the U.S. Senate.” Half believing it himself, Simon insisted, “The difficult part is over. The next and final phase will just be a repeat of 2004,” he added rather casually. “The constituents of Illinois know their young senator. Our mission now is to plant the same message in the other forty-nine states.”

  Detecting it was time to change the subject, for the moment at least, Simon directed them toward the elaborate setup on the conference table. Once they were well into the champagne and relaxing with their cigars, Simon took the opportunity to inform them that he had wired a bonus into each of their bank accounts—not to their personal accounts, but to the accounts he had initially set up to transfer money that would pay their expenses. “Tomorrow, you will find an increase in your balance of fifty thousand dollars, compliments of Uncle Rob.”

  They smiled and thanked Simon once again for his generosity. However, this time it was with less than the usual enthusiasm. All the members of the group were suspicious of Uncle Rob, and had been for some time. Perhaps it was denial, and the largesse it brought them, that caused them to look the other way. They no longer questioned the source of the funding. Simon’s talent for tapping into databases and creating identities continued to amaze them. It was a much-discussed subject when out of Simon’s earshot.

  Their inquiring minds also had some difficulty rationalizing certain fortuitous events that defied coincidence.

  Hank did not share these concerns.

  In fact, the “gang of four” seemed more like the “gang of three” as time went on. The others suspected that Hank was clued in on what was happening behind the scenes and would doggedly do what was needed to see the “game” to fruition. They knew Hank loved being the senator’s personal advisor.

  What was in it for Simon, they didn’t know.

  15

  A NOBLE DOCTRINE

  It was a glorious day for the newly minted senator, as Abner Baari settled into his new office in the Dirksen Senate Building on Capitol Hill, preparing for the first of many committee meetings.

  A short distance down Pennsylvania Avenue, Director Hamilton Scott sat in his office at the White House, fretting over looming threats. The director’s chief objective had always been to keep American citizens safe, but now, in 2005, his primary role was to focus on those threats specifically at home by supervising all intelligence within the borders. Among his many other duties, he provided daily briefings to the president.

  Looking back to 1996, Hamilton Scott had then been the director for an elite group of research analysts at the CIA. Their primary function was to investigate all known members of terror cells, those currently operating within the U.S. borders and those that operated from abroad. The director knew the American public was not fully aware of the dangers they posed.

  Director Scott, a tall, brawny man in his mid-fifties, possessed a full head of white hair and piercing blue eyes. He had a booming voice: husky, stern, and commanding. He was highly respected inside and outside of Washington, having served his country well for many years. Not surprisingly, in 2003, when the CIA established the States Intelligence Agency in response to September 11, Hamilton Scott was considered the ideal person to head up the new organization, given his record of success.

  “I was reluctant to take on the added responsibility,” he would later admit, “but I understood it would give me enormous power and put at my disposal all the government tools essential to solving some of the most serious offenses against our country.”

  However, at the time, he did not fully grasp the extent of those powers. He certainly did not entirely understand how those powers would become vital to his uncovering one of the most diabolical plots ever put in play. Unsuspectingly, he first became involved in the case almost twelve years earlier.

  —

  When the director transferred from Italy back to Washington, his first assignment was to track down, what the CIA thought to be, an amateur computer hacker—a new breed of enemy created by the latest innovative Internet technology. The FBI had been trying to track this particular hacker, whom they assumed to be a man. With no success in finding him, they requested the assistance of the CIA.

  After the director was assigned the case, he and his team of analysts were able to learn that the elusive hacker was siphoning off exactly eleven dollars of the monthly interest applied to randomly selected consumer bank accounts, with balances over one hundred thousand dollars. On the eighth day of every month, the hacker would arbitrarily choose twenty banking institutions, large and small. The institutions he selected all appeared to be located in one-third of the country. As one analyst explained, the first group of banks selected was on the East Coast, the second in the Midwest, and the third on the West Coast. The hacker would then work his way backward; in the fourth month, he would choose the banks from the Midwest, followed by the East Coast. The hacker had worked in this pattern for several years.

  “All I could visualize was following the light on a copy machine or scanner as it passes back and forth,” an image the director would share.

  Eventually, the director’s an
alysts were able to ascertain that each month the hacker, at random, had selected one thousand individual accounts from each of the chosen banks. When the hacker returned to a particular region of the country, he would select twenty different banks. The hacker never hit the same bank twice. The director estimated that the hacker’s total take was roughly two hundred twenty thousand dollars per month, or eleven thousand dollars per bank. Based on the amount, the individual banks considered it chump change and not worth pursuing, especially since insurance covered most of their losses.

  On the surface, this case seems rather amateurish and lame, the director thought. “There are hundreds of junior hackers out there, and it appears that many of them are more intent on wreaking havoc, than profiting directly from their hacking and committing a serious offense,” he told one analyst.

  However, within a year, this particular hacker’s method quickly escalated into a major crime. During a five-year period, the hacker’s estimated take was close to thirteen million dollars, but they suspected some instances had gone unreported. And while the director and his team were able to track him, they were unsuccessful in apprehending him.

  Relaying the details of the case to his superior, the director explained, “I was never able to trace where the money went, and he literally left no trail, with one exception. When the hacker removed the funds from each of the accounts, he’d leave his calling card, the insignia , next to the remaining account balance. It appears to be the crescent moon and star, which represent either the Carthaginian goddess Tanit or the Greek goddess Diana, depending on whose history you believe, according to one of the analysts.”