Early Dynastic Egypt

by Toby A H Wilkinson

  The regency of Merneith is the first attested occasion in Egyptian history when a woman held the reins of power. As de facto ruler of Egypt, Merneith seems to have been accorded a full royal mortuary complex at Abydos. However, outside Abydos she is poorly attested. This is not surprising, since all official documents (including seals) drawn up during her regency would have borne the name of the reigning king, Den, despite his minority. An unprovenanced alabaster cylinder vessel bears Merneith’s name in relief (Kaplony 1964: fig. 1075), and a further three vessel fragments from Saqqara show her name scratched on the surface (Emery 1954:141 and 142, figs 205–6). The most

  notable object marked with the name of Merneith is a small ivory vessel from the Saqqara region (Kaplony 1964: fig. 1073).

  Den

  The name of Egypt’s next ruler is usually rendered as Den, although this is unlikely to be an accurate realisation. The meaning of the name is as obscure as its proper pronunciation, despite the efforts of several scholars at decipherment (S.Schott 1956:59; Kaplony 1958; Meltzer 1972; Godron 1990). Den has been called ‘one of the most important rulers of the First Dynasty’ (Lauer 1966:177–8), his reign lauded as marking ‘a significant stage in the cultural and material development of Early Dynastic Egypt’ (Whitehouse 1987:261). Without doubt, he is the best attested king of the First Dynasty.

  His tomb at Abydos (Petrie 1901)—marked in traditional style by a pair of funerary stelae, of which only one survives (Amélineau 1899: pl. XLI; Baity et al. 1988:15)— shows an important new feature in Egyptian mortuary architecture, an entrance stairway giving access to the burial chamber. This facilitated the provisioning of the tomb and the burial itself, and was swiftly adopted throughout Egypt in private as well as royal tombs. It highlights the reign of Den as a period of innovation; and this is reflected, too, in the king’s titulary. The title nswt-bỉty, literally ‘he of the reed and bee’, and best translated as ‘dual king’, first appears in the reign of Den. It probably signifies a corresponding development in the ideology of divine kingship. The invention of the double crown – combining the older red and white crowns—is another innovation usually attributed to the reign of Den (Edwards 1971:26); although, as we have seen, it may have already occurred in the preceding reign of Djet.

  Den seems to have enjoyed a long reign, even taking into account his accession as a child. A recently discovered limestone vessel fragment from the south-west annex to Den’s tomb mentions ‘the second occasion of the Sed(-festival)’ (Dreyer 1990:80, fig. 9, pl. 26.d). This is the first indication that Den may have celebrated two such festivals (cf. Petrie 1900: pl. XIV.12), which would imply a long reign. (For the significance of the Sed-festival, see Chapter 6.) The number of élite tombs at North Saqqara is greater for Den’s reign than for any other reign of the First or Second Dynasty. Moreover, insufficient space at this site seems to have necessitated the establishment of a new élite cemetery at Abu Rawash (Plate 3.1), on the northern edge of the Memphite necropolis (Montet 1938, 1946; Klasens 1961). Together with several large tombs at Abusir (Leclant and Clerc 1992:242, 1994:376, pls XV, XVI, figs 13, 14) and Helwan, the North Saqqara and Abu Rawash mastabas form a collection of well over 30 élite burials dated to Den’s reign. Such a dramatic increase in the number of officials able to command a high-status tomb must reflect more than the mere length of Den’s reign: it seems likely that changes were carried out in the structure of government. Institutional change is also suggested by the Palermo Stone entry for year x+4 of Den’s reign, which records a ‘census of all the people of the north, west and east’ (Schäfer 1902:19). It would not be surprising if an accurate assessment of the country’s population and resources accompanied administrative reforms.

  Other salient events of Den’s reign are recorded on several contemporary year labels and in the third register of the Palermo Stone. The king seems to have taken a particular interest in Egypt’s relations with her neighbours to the north-east: his second name (Zmtỉ

  or H 3stỉ), written with the sign for high desert/foreign land, may have been chosen to reflect

  Plate 3.1 Abu Rawash: the élite First Dynasty cemetery on Hill M (author’s photograph). The pyramids of Giza are visible on the horizon.

  the king’s particular preoccupation with Egypt’s north-eastern frontier zone (Godron 1990). No fewer than five labels record military activity in southern Palestine, whether real or ritual (see Chapter 5). Possible sealings of Den from the First Dynasty Egyptian building at En Besor provide further evidence for Egyptian involvement in the area (Schulman 1980, 1983:250). Year x+2 of Den’s reign on the Palermo Stone records the smiting of the ‘Iwnw, a word indicating the nomads of the eastern or western desert. Eight years later, the annals record the destruction of an unidentified, possibly Asiatic, locality named Wt-k3. At least 76 complete examples of imported Syro-Palestinian vessels, plus countless fragments, have been excavated from contexts datable to the reign of Den, by far the largest number from any Early Dynastic reign. The impression they give is one of sustained and intensive contact between Egypt and the Near East during the middle of the First Dynasty.

  Cultic activity, too, is well attested during Den’s reign. Visits to important shrines, the foundation of a new temple called ‘thrones of the gods’, and the fashioning or dedication of divine images are all mentioned on the Palermo Stone. The fierce feline goddess Mafdet—probably a royal protectress—is unusually prominent, featuring both on the Palermo Stone and on an alabaster jar from Abydos (Petrie 1901: pl. VII.7). The running of the Apis bull—revered at Memphis—is recorded in the annals for year x+12, corroborated by a sealing from Saqqara (Emery 1938:64, fig. 26). Particularly noteworthy are the references from Den’s reign to rituals involving a hippopotamus (see Chapter 8).

  A group of graves near the Serapeum at Saqqara may once have delineated a cultic enclosure built for Den (Kaiser 1985a), although there are problems with this interpretation (see Chapter 7).

  Finally, objects from Abydos and Saqqara highlight the extraordinary artistic achievements of Den’s craftsmen. The lavish tomb of Hemaka (Emery 1938)— chancellor and perhaps the most important figure in the administration after the king himself—yielded a wealth of artefacts, ranging from inlaid gaming discs to a circular wooden box containing the oldest papyrus to survive from Egypt. A copper bowl inscribed with the name of Den was included as an heirloom in the tomb equipment of King Semerkhet, whilst an inscribed ivory was buried in the ‘Main Deposit’ at Hierakonpolis (Whitehouse 1987). Amongst the most remarkable products of Egyptian craftsmen from any period are the Early Dynastic stone vessels carved in a bewildering array of forms, ranging from imitations of reed baskets to flowers. Several complete examples have been excavated from graves dating to the reign of Den, including a three- lobed dish from the tomb of the king himself (Petrie 1901: pl. L). Many fragments from the same context (for example, Amélineau 1899: pls XXVII-XXVIII, 1904: pl. IX) are currently being studied, and show highly sophisticated designs. A number of simpler stone vessels inscribed with one or other of Den’s names were among the hoard found in the galleries beneath the Step Pyramid at Saqqara (Lacau and Lauer 1959).

  Anedjib

  A series of inscribed stone vessels from this same hoard first allowed scholars to establish the sequence of kings from Den to the end of the First Dynasty (Lacau and Lauer 1959: pl. 4, nos 19–21; cf. Emery 1961:73). More recently, the order has been confirmed by the necropolis sealing of Qaa from Abydos. There is thus no doubt that Den was followed by a king named Anedjib. In comparison with Den, little is known of his successor. He seems to have enjoyed a relatively long reign, since at least two stone vessel fragments, one from Saqqara (Quibell 1923: pl. XXXIII.5) and the other from Abydos (Petrie 1900:20, pl. VII.6; Kaplony 1965), mention a Sed-festival. Anedjib’s name has been found at only three sites in Egypt: Saqqara (Emery 1949:82, fig. 45; Lacau and Lauer 1959:10–11, pl. 5 nos 23–4, pl. 6 nos 26–7, 29, pl. 7 nos 30–3; Porter and Moss 1974:443), Helwan (Saad 1951:109, pl. LIIa) and Abydo
s (Amélineau 1899: pl. XXXIII (left middle), 1902: pl. XXI.4; Petrie 1900: pls VI.9–11, XXVI-XXVII, XLVI, 1901: pl. XLIV.7; Porter and Moss 1937:82; Emery 1949:82, fig. 47). His name may also occur on two sealings from the Egyptian building at En Besor (Schulman 1980,1983:250). The production of royal statuary is attested indirectly: several stone vessels with Anedjib’s serekh show statues of the king in various guises. Otherwise, almost the only artefacts from his reign are two inscribed white marbles, unprovenanced and now in a private collection (Kaplony 1965:6 and 7, fig. 8).

  Like his predecessors, Anedjib was buried on the Umm el-Qaab at Abydos (Petrie 1900). However, the most important monument of his reign is the large mastaba S3038 at North Saqqara (Emery 1949:82–94, pls 21–35), probably built for the highest official in the royal administration. What makes S3038 unique, and a landmark in the longer-term development of Egyptian mortuary architecture and symbolism, is the hidden tumulus covering the burial chamber. Entirely covered by the superstructure of the tomb, this

  tumulus is not a simple mound but rather a stepped construction. It seems to point the way to the design of the Step Pyramid adopted for royal tombs in the Third Dynasty (Emery 1961:146, fig. 85). It is, of course, possible that earlier tombs at Saqqara may have contained forerunners of the mound which were not recognised at the time of excavation. Likewise, because of the poor state of preservation of the First Dynasty royal tombs at Abydos, we cannot be certain that the tomb of Den did not originally include a modified version of the hidden mound discovered in his predecessor’s tomb (Hendrickx, personal communication). However, in the absence of such evidence, the reign of Anedjib remains most noteworthy, not for the achievements of the king himself, but for an architectural innovation in the tomb of one of his officials.

  Semerkhet

  Some doubts have been raised concerning the legitimacy of the next king, Semerkhet. His tomb at Abydos contained a number of stone vessels of his predecessor, reinscribed for Semerkhet. This suggested to some scholars that Semerkhet may have been a usurper (Emery 1961:84; Lauer 1966:178, n. 5). However, it has been rightly pointed out that the stone vessels from the Step Pyramid at Saqqara bearing a sequence of four royal names (Den-Anedjib-Semerkhet-Qaa) argue against such an interpretation (Lauer 1966:178–9). Most recently, the necropolis sealing of Qaa seems to prove beyond doubt Semerkhet’s legitimacy, at least in the eyes of his successor.

  Semerkhet’s reign was probably the shortest of the First Dynasty. The Cairo fragment of the annals preserves a complete record of his eight-and-a-half years on the throne of Egypt. Unfortunately, the events recorded on the annals are nothing more than the regular ceremonies of kingship (such as the biennial ‘following of Horus’ and the ritual ‘appearances’ of the king) and the fashioning or dedication of divine images. A year label of Semerkhet from the tomb of Qaa (Figure 3.3) records the planning of a building named Hrw-ỉb-n rw, perhaps Semerkhet’s funerary enclosure at Abydos (Dreyer et al. 1996:73, pl. 14.d). Trade with the Near East seems to have been maintained during his reign, albeit on a reduced scale compared with the middle of the First Dynasty. Fragments from 10 or 11 imported Syro-Palestinian vessels were found in Semerkhet’s tomb (Petrie 1901: pl. LIV; Kantor 1965: figs 5B, 5E; Adams and Friedman 1992:328, n. 9), and a contemporary grave at Abusir contained a painted, handled flask typical of Early Bronze Age vessels from Syria-Palestine (Bonnet 1928:35–10, pl. 27; Kantor 1965: fig. 5F). The year label mentioned earlier was originally attached to a container of oil, described as ‘first-quality choice oil from the MJ-plant’. It has been suggested that bs 3-oil may have been imported from Libya (Dreyer et al. 1996:74).

  Figure 3.3 Year label of Semerkhet. The label was recently discovered during re-excavation of the tomb of his successor Qaa (after Dreyer et al. 1996: pl. 14.d).

  Semerkhet’s is the only First Dynasty reign not represented among the élite tombs at North Saqqara. This is not surprising if he only reigned for eight years: the high official who served Semerkhet no doubt survived his royal master, and may have continued to serve in the government under Semerkhet’s successor. Several élite tombs at North Saqqara are dated to the reign of Qaa, and one of these may well have belonged to a leading figure at Semerkhet’s court. Indeed, an official named Henuka evidently served both Semerkhet and his successor Qaa, since Henuka’s name appears on year labels of both kings from Abydos (Petrie 1900: pl. XVII.26, 28; Dreyer 1993b: 10; Spencer 1993:67). Semerkhet’s tomb shows a change of plan from previous generations (Petrie 1900). The subsidiary burials are arranged immediately adjacent to the main burial chamber, and would probably have been covered by the same superstructure. This implies that the occupants of the subsidiary burials—the king’s retainers and perhaps women of the harem—were buried at the same time as the king, in turn suggesting retainer sacrifice. The architecture of Semerkhet’s tomb complex may represent a deliberate attempt to emphasise the king’s power of life and death over his subjects in a rather literal way. The only object of note to survive from Semerkhet’s reign is a black granite funerary stela, one of a pair which originally stood in front of the king’s tomb (Amélineau 1899:245, fig. 65).

  Qaa

  Qaa was the builder of the last tomb and funerary enclosure at Abydos until the site was re-adopted as the royal burial ground towards the end of the Second Dynasty. Qaa’s tomb on the Umm el-Qaab (Petrie 1900) follows the same plan as his predecessor’s, suggesting a continuation of the practice of retainer sacrifice. The accompanying funerary enclosure has not been positively identified, but it is likely that the walled Coptic village of Deir Sitt Damiana incorporates the monument (Kaiser 1969:2). Several large mastabas at North Saqqara are dated to the reign of Qaa, suggesting that it may have been a long one. This view is supported by a fragment of a siltstone bowl from Saqqara which mentions the king’s second Sed-festival (Lacau and Lauer 1959:12, pl. 8 no. 41). Moreover, the different building phases of his tomb at Abydos seem to have been separated by a significant period of time (Engel, in Dreyer et al. 1996:57–71). The first year of his reign is recorded on the main Cairo fragment of the royal annals; the compartment lists the usual ceremonies associated with the accession of a new king. Several year labels discovered in the king’s tomb at Abydos record events ranging from the royal progress (‘the following of Horus’) to the collection of timber for the royal workshops, from the foundation of a religious building (named q3w-n rw) to the celebration of various cultic festivals. The running of the Apis bull and the festival of Sokar seem to have been celebrated periodically during Qaa’s reign, whilst an obscure festival involving a divine or royal bark is also recorded (see Chapter 8).

  In addition to sealings and labels from the three major Early Dynastic cemeteries— Saqqara (Emery 1949:116 and 123, fig. 67B, 1954:107, figs 123 and 127, fig. 200,

  1958:33, 97, 109, pls 28e, g, 37.1–5, 106.11, 124.1–2; Lacau and Lauer 1959:12, pls 8

  nos 40–1, 9 nos 44–6) and its northward extension at Abusir (Leclant and Clerc 1992: pl. XVI, figs 17, 18), Helwan (Saad 1951:29 and 30, fig. 11, pl. XXIXa; Kaplony 1963, I:

  149) and Abydos—Qaa is also attested in the deep south of Egypt, near Elkab. A rock-cut inscription in the Wadi Hellal shows the serekh of Qaa facing a figure of the local goddess, Nekhbet. In between are some less easily identifiable signs, perhaps an ankh and a was-sceptre. A similar rock-cut inscription, though without the additional signs, occurs near the small hamlet of Naga el-Oqbiya, about ten kilometres north of Elkab (Huyge 1984; Hendrickx, personal communication, has pointed out that Huyge erroneously located the inscription at es-Sibâ’îya). The nature of Qaa’s activity in this region is unknown, but an expedition to exploit the desert’s resources is a plausible suggestion. Contacts further afield are hinted at by an ivory gaming rod from the king’s tomb (Petrie 1900: pl. XII.12–13, pl. XVII.30). One side shows the figure of a bound Asiatic captive, identified by the hieroglyph above his head as an inhabitant of S t. The figure probably stands for Egypt’s enemies in general, and cannot be taken as
proof of punitive raids against southern Palestine in the reign of Qaa. None the less, the gaming rod does demonstrate Egyptian acquaintance with the inhabitants of Western Asia, and 18 imported Syro-Palestinian vessels from tombs at North Saqqara dating to the reign of Qaa point to continued trade between Egypt and its north-eastern neighbours. Craftsmanship from the reign of Qaa is represented by three copper bowls from his tomb at Abydos (Dreyer et al. 1996:75–6, pl. 15.b). Two of them are inscribed with the king’s serekh and an accompanying text mentioning court institutions including the royal palace.