Early Dynastic Egypt

by Toby A H Wilkinson

  Sceptres and staffs

  A sceptre or staff is one of the most widespread and ancient symbols of authority (Figure 6.1). This was certainly true of ancient Egypt, as demonstrated by the hieroglyph for ‘nobleman, official’ (sr) which shows a man carrying a long stave of office in front of him. One of the earliest indications of a hierarchical society comes from the early Predynastic site of el-Omari in Lower Egypt. An otherwise simple grave contained the skeleton of a man, buried with a wooden staff. This has been interpreted as an indication of the dead man’s special status within his society. Whether he exercised religious or political authority is less important than the overt recognition of his status by means of a distinctive ‘badge of office’. A fragmentary wooden staff, carved to resemble a bundle of reeds, was found in an early First Dynasty mastaba at Saqqara. Similar fragments were recovered from Early Dynastic royal tombs at Abydos (Fischer 1978:21). As symbols of authority par excellence, it is not surprising that staffs were anciently associated with the regalia of Egyptian kingship. A wooden label of Den from Abydos shows the king carrying a long staff, very similar to that shown in the sr hieroglyph (Petrie 1900: pls X.14, XIV.9). After all, the king was the highest official in the land, the nobleman above all others. His unique position at the head of Egyptian society was usually recognised by more distinctive insignia, reserved for the kingship. An actual example of a royal sceptre was discovered by Petrie in one of the chambers of Khasekhemwy’s tomb at Abydos (Petrie 1901:27, pl. IX.l). The sceptre was fashioned from cylinders of polished sard, decorated with ‘double bands of thick gold which encircle the sceptre at every fourth cylinder’ (Petrie 1901:27), the whole held together by a copper rod. Two fragments of the sceptre were found, one 23 inches, the other 5 inches in length. Because of its slender and fragile construction, Petrie concluded that it was ‘only just strong enough to carry its own weight’, and therefore identified it as a ceremonial, royal sceptre (Petrie 1901:27).

  Figure 6.1 The staff of office. Fragmentary ivory label of Den from Abydos. The king is wearing the khat-head-dress and carries a mace and long staff, the former a symbol of royal authority, the latter a recognised mark of high office in ancient Egypt (after Petrie 1900: pl. XIV.9).

  A variant of the long staff was the mks-staff. This is characterised by a nodule approximately half-way down the shaft. In origin a defensive weapon, the mks-staff seems later to have assumed ‘ceremonial—even priestly—significance’ (F.D.Friedman 1995:20). Stone vessels of Anedjib from Saqqara and Abydos depict a statue of the king holding the mks-staff, and these inscriptions are closely paralleled on the northernmost relief panel from beneath the Step Pyramid, where Netjerikhet is shown holding a mks- staff (Kemp 1989:58, fig. 19; F.D.Friedman 1995). In addition to the mks-staff and simpler staffs of office, royal iconography of the Early Dynastic period distinguishes two different forms of sceptre, each of which emphasised a particular aspect of the ruler’s authority.

  THE HEQA-SCEPTRE

  The symbol of rule with the longest history seems to be the shepherd’s crook or hq3- sceptre. This is entirely appropriate, since the crook symbolised the very concept of rule, and was employed as the hieroglyph for the Egyptian word, ‘rule, ruler’ (hq3). The earliest example of a hq3-sceptre comes from tomb U-547 at Abydos, dated to late Naqada II (Naqada IId). The tomb, a simple pit cut in the desert, contained the upper part of a limestone hq3-sceptre (Leclant and Clerc 1993: pl. XXIII fig. 26; Dreyer et al. 1996). The earliest surviving complete hq3-sceptre comes from another grave in the same cemetery, tomb U-j (Dreyer 1993b: 11). This was the burial of a late Predynastic ruler of the Thinite region and is unique in several respects. It is by far the largest tomb of its date anywhere in Egypt, suggesting that its owner exercised unrivalled political and economic authority. The status of the deceased is expressed not only in the size and contents of the tomb, but also in the ivory hq3-sceptre found in the north-eastern chamber. It is clear that the shepherd’s crook was already established as a symbol of rule by late Predynastic times, and that it formed part of the ruler’s regalia. The earliest representation of a king holding a hq3-sceptre is a small statuette of Ninetjer (Simpson 1956). As in later times, the king holds the crook across his chest, balancing the flail which he holds in the other hand. The symbolism of the hq3-sceptre is quite easily understood. Metaphorically, the king was the shepherd of his people, guiding and protecting them. In common with some of the other items of royal regalia discussed below, the hq3-sceptre indicates the pastoralist aspect of Egyptian society. Many of the metaphors of royal authority are derived from the animal kingdom and from the sphere of animal husbandry, emphasising the close interaction between the early Egyptians and their natural environment (cf. Staehelin 1984).

  THE WAS-SCEPTRE

  The second type of sceptre closely associated with kingship is the w3ssceptre (K.Martin 1986b). This is a long staff with a stylised animal’s head at one end and two curved prongs at the other. Its origins may well go back to the Predynastic period, although the earliest known representations of the w3s-sceptre date to the First Dynasty. An ivory comb of Djet shows two such sceptres supporting the vault of heaven, symbolised by the outspread wings of the celestial falcon. A w3s-sceptre, perhaps of ivory (like the hq3- sceptre from Abydos tomb U-j), was among the hoard of votive objects excavated by Petrie in the early temple at Abydos (Petrie 1903: pl. 2.11). Like the shepherd’s crook, the w3s-sceptre embodied authority and was used as a hieroglyph to write the word ‘dominion’ (w3s). The w3s-sceptre may have had both utilitarian and symbolic value; in origin, it seems to have been used to control animals, although its exact function has not been established beyond doubt. It has been interpreted as a shepherd’s staff (Kaplony 1986:1374), but the shape of the head has suggested to others that the staff may originally have been used to goad donkeys or mules (K.Martin 1986b). A possible connection with snakes has also been mooted. The suggestion that ‘the w3s prototype as staff or scepter originally may have been a dried bull’s penis’ (Gordon and Schwabe 1995:186) seems rather unlikely and has not found general support.

  As a symbol of power, the w3s-sceptre could be held by deities as well as by the king, and it may have been ‘primarily an attribute of the gods’ (Fischer 1978:21). For example,

  on sealings of Peribsen from Abydos, the god Ash is depicted holding a w3s-sceptre (Petrie 1901: pls XXI.176, XXII.178–9). The w3s-sceptre is anthropomorphised in reliefs as early as the Third Dynasty. On the Netjerikhet relief panels, w3s-sceptres hold fans and one appears to dance (F.D.Friedman 1995). The ivory comb of Djet, already mentioned, illustrates the other symbolic function of the w3s-sceptre: as the support of heaven. By extension, the w3s-sceptre ‘may…allude to the divine power that supports and protects royal life’ (F.D.Friedman 1995:26). It is probably true to say that the symbolised a divine authority, whereas the hq3-sceptre represented a more secular power and was the pre-eminent symbol of earthly rule.

  The flail

  The flail has already been mentioned as the usual companion to the crook. However, originally the two items of regalia do not seem to have been so closely connected. The flail appears alone on some of the earliest representations of royal ceremonial, making it one of the most ancient symbols of the office of kingship. The king depicted on the boss- side of the Metropolitan Museum knife handle (dated to the late Predynastic period, Naqada IIIb, c. 3100 BC) carries the flail alone (Williams and Logan 1987: fig. 1). A very similar representation occurs on the Narmer macehead from Hierakonpolis, and this king is also shown carrying the flail on his ceremonial palette. A further example from the early First Dynasty is a mud seal-impression from the reign of Djer which shows the king carrying the flail (Petrie 1901: pl. XV.108). To judge from the statuette of Ninetjer, by the Second Dynasty the flail and crook had become associated and were henceforth usually depicted together. The flail is carried by Netjerikhet on his relief panels where it seems to serve as a general ‘symbol of authority’ (F.D.Friedman 1995:22). Like the hq3- and w3s-sceptres,
the flail seems to have originated in the sphere of animal husbandry. Used to goad livestock, the flail was an obvious symbol of the ruler’s coercive power. As shepherd of his flock, the king encouraged his people as well as restraining them; this is the dual symbolism of the flail and crook.

  The bull’s tail

  The influence of the animal world on royal iconography was twofold. As well as holding items of regalia taken from the sphere of animal husbandry – to emphasise his role as shepherd of his people—the king was imbued with the powers of nature, most easily represented in their animal form. Hence, on some of the commemorative palettes from the period of state formation, the king is portrayed as a lion (Battlefield Palette) or as a wild bull (Bull Palette, Narmer Palette). Both animals embodied unrestrained ferocity, and the representation of the ruler as a fierce wild animal conveyed in graphic terms his role as defender of created order and ruthless opponent of the forces of chaos. Soon after the establishment of the Egyptian state, the iconography of kingship underwent a consolidation and codification. In the process, some of the motifs adopted in the late Predynastic period were discarded, particularly those borrowed from contemporary Mesopotamian iconography. This was also the case with overt depictions of the ruler as an animal. We can speculate that, perhaps for theological reasons, it was no longer considered appropriate to represent the king in such a way. Nevertheless, the animal

  potency of kingship remained important ideologically, and was henceforth expressed in subtler ways. The king’s name could incorporate such notions. Hence, the name of the late Predynastic king, ‘Scorpion’, seems to be an expression of dangerous animal power. In later periods, kings adopted more explicit animal names such as ‘Strong Bull’. Indeed, the bull appears to have been the animal most closely associated with the king. The innate power of the bull—its virility and strength—was conveyed by means of a bull’s tail, worn by the king suspended from the back of his kilt (Staehelin 1984:615). The earliest known representation of the bull’s tail appears on the Scorpion macehead, and henceforth it became a regular component of royal dress.

  Sandals

  The Narmer Palette illustrates another element of royal insignia, the king’s sandals (cf. Seyfried 1984). As, quite literally, the point of contact between the king and the land over which he ruled, the royal sandals were imbued with a religious importance. They were, therefore, entrusted to a special member of the king’s entourage who would have enjoyed intimate access to the king. The sandal-bearer depicted on Narmer’s monuments follows close behind his sovereign and is labelled as ‘the servant of the ruler’. The king’s sandals also had a symbolic role in the eternal struggle between order and chaos. The king’s primary task was to crush Egypt’s (and creation’s) enemies, represented as the inhabitants of neighbouring lands. In later periods, this victory was symbolically achieved by having Egypt’s enemies depicted on the king’s footstool and on the pavement of the royal palace. Every time the king walked on the pavement or placed his feet on the footstool, the enemies would be conquered by sympathetic magic. In each case, the agent of victory was the king’s sandals. This belief finds eloquent expression on a commemorative stela erected by Khasekhem at Hierakonpolis. On it, the king is described as ‘effective sandal against the hill-countries’; in other words, a successful conqueror of the forces threatening Egypt and the cosmos.

  The uraeus

  The earliest depiction of the uraeus—the rearing cobra on the king’s brow—probably dates to the reign of Den. The scene in question is the famous ivory label which shows the king smiting an enemy captive (Spencer 1993:87, fig. 67). The king wears a long wig and the uraeus adorns his forehead. A second uraeus appears on the Wepwawet standard which precedes the king. There is some doubt about the label’s authenticity (Johnson 1990:6), but a closely comparable depiction of the king on a fragmentary label from Abydos (Petrie 1900: pls XI.8, XIV.8) tends to support a First Dynasty date. None the less, the inclusion of the uraeus in the royal insignia of this early period is remarkable. Such a feature next appears in the early Third Dynasty, on a relief of Netjerikhet from the Wadi Maghara, Sinai. The adoption of the uraeus into royal iconography seems to be another example of the innovation which characterises the reign of Den.

  The symbolic function of the uraeus is clear. The serpent goddess was a potent symbol of ‘protection, power and beneficence’ (Johnson 1990:190). Attached to the ruler’s brow, the rising cobra spat fire at the king’s enemies. The uraeus thus embodied both apotropaic, protective power and aggressive intent towards the forces of disorder

  (K.Martin 1986a). In early royal scenes, the king is often preceded by the standard of the jackal-god Wepwawet, the ‘opener of the ways’. As the trail-blazer for the king, Wepwawet may also be accompanied by a uraeus serpent, to provide added protection (Johnson 1990:53). This is the case on the ivory label of Den and on the Third Dynasty reliefs from the Sinai (Johnson 1990: figs 104–6).

  Crowns and head-dresses

  Perhaps the most distinctive elements of the royal regalia are the various crowns and head-dresses worn by the king on different occasions. Three crowns are attested in the Early Dynastic period: the red crown, the white crown and the combined ‘double crown’. Instead of a crown, the king might wear a cloth head-dress. Two different types figure in Early Dynastic depictions: a long head-dress (khat) and an early forerunner of the archetypal nemes head-dress.

  THE RED CROWN

  There is, as yet, no satisfactory explanation for the origin of the two principal crowns, the red and the white (Figures 6.2 and 6.3). Both seem to have originated in Upper Egypt, which saw the first moves towards political centralisation. A sherd from a large black- topped red-ware vessel of late Naqada I date, from the site of Naqada itself, bears a representation of the red crown in relief (Payne 1993:94, fig. 34.774; Baines 1995:149, fig. 3.1). Although the red crown is associated in historic times with Lower Egypt, it is generally assumed that it originated as the distinctive headpiece of the Predynastic rulers of Naqada. The colour red was traditionally associated with Seth, the local god of Naqada. The shape of the crown is quite distinctive, but again its symbolic meaning is unknown. The curly protuberance at the front of the crown has been linked with the bee (connected with kingship from at least the middle of the First Dynasty, through the title nswt-bỉty, ‘he of the sedge and bee’), and also with goddess Neith, an important Lower Egyptian deity. There is an obscure passage in the Pyramid Texts of Unas which may refer to the curly part of the red crown, but it remains poorly understood.

  From the period of state formation onwards, the red crown seems to have symbolised the king’s authority in the northern half of his realm. As such, it is worn by Narmer on his ceremonial palette and macehead. It has been suggested that the Scorpion macehead originally showed a figure of the king wearing the red crown to balance the figure in the white crown on the preserved portion (Cialowicz 1991). In this case, the Scorpion macehead would be the earliest example of the king wearing the red crown, pre-dating the Narmer monuments by a short time.

  Figure 6.2 The red crown. Early representations of the crown later associated with Lower Egypt: (1) a red crown modelled in relief on a sherd of black-topped red ware from the Predynastic cemetery at Naqada (now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford) (after Payne 1993: fig. 34, no. 774); (2) Narmer wearing the red crown, as shown on his ceremonial macehead from Hierakonpolis (after Quibell 1900: pl. XXVIB); (3) Narmer wearing the red crown, as shown

  on his ceremonial palette from Hierakonpolis (after Kemp 1989:42, fig. 12); (4) a shrine to the red crown, perhaps located in the north-western Delta, shown on an ivory label of Djer from Abydos (after Emery 1961:59, fig. 20). Not to same scale.

  THE WHITE CROWN

  The white crown, associated in historic times with Upper Egypt, is first attested later than the red crown, but is directly associated with the ruler somewhat earlier. The earliest known depiction of the white crown is on a ceremonial incense burner from Cemetery L at Qustul in Lower Nubia
(Williams 1986: pls 34, 38). Tomb L24 contained a variety of prestige objects, and in all probability belonged to a late Predynastic king of Lower Nubia, contemporary with the ruler buried in Abydos tomb U-j (Naqada IIIa2, c. 3150 BC). The Qustul incense burner is a remarkable object of supreme importance for the development of Egyptian royal iconography. The incised scenes around the edge of the object include the representation of a seated ruler, wearing the tall white crown. Evidence of close contacts between the rulers of Qustul and their contemporaries at Hierakonpolis may support the theory that the white crown originated at the latter site. A second, slightly later royal object from Upper Egypt bears a similar representation of a royal figure wearing the white crown. This is the Metropolitan Museum knife handle, mentioned already in connection with the flail. The king holding the flail wears the white crown. Like his counterpart on the Qustul incense burner, he is identified as the ruler by the rosette hieroglyph—also attested on the Scorpion macehead, the Narmer Palette and macehead—in front of his face. Likely to be contemporary with the Metropolitan Museum knife handle is a rock-cut inscription near Aswan which shows a ruler figure (identified as such by the fan-bearer who stands behind him: compare the presence of fan-bearers in attendance upon the king on the Scorpion and Narmer maceheads) wearing a tall, pointed head-dress, probably a schematic rendering of the white crown or a very similar item of regalia (Baines, personal communication).