The Time Traveller’s Guide to Restoration Britain
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5. Basic Essentials
1. Thoresby, i, p. 10. • 2. Pepys, iii, pp. 32, 35. • 3. Evelyn, ii, p. 304. • 4. Gordon Manley, ‘Central England temperatures: monthly means 1659 to 1973’, Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society, 100 (1974), pp. 389–405, at p. 393. March 1674 averaged 1.2°C (in the modern world, the long-term average is 5.4°C); September 1694 averaged 10.5°C (12.7°C in the modern world); July 1695 averaged 13.4°C (15.1°C in the modern world); and May 1698 averaged 8.6°C (10.4°C in the modern world). The only periods of sustained high daytime temperatures (averaging 17°C or more for the month) were July and August 1666, July 1667, July 1669, July 1677, August 1679 and July 1699. • 5. Baskerville, p. 299 (Cirencester); Pepys, ii, p. 239 (wassail bowl). • 6. Ronald Hutton, The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year 1400–1700 (Oxford, 1994), p. 242. • 7. Misson, pp. 34–5. • 8. Chris Durston, ‘The Puritan War on Christmas’, History Today, 35, 12 (1985). • 9. Durston, ‘Puritan War’, quoting Edward Fisher, A Christian Caveat to the Old and New Sabbatarians (1649). • 10. Pepys, ii, pp. 44, 192; Pepys Companion, pp. 377–8; Schellinks, p. 73; Misson, pp. 330–1. • 11. Pepys Companion, p. 164. • 12. Bristol, p. 66. • 13. Misson, pp. 36–7. • 14. Pepys, i, p. 19. • 15. Pepys states on 3 Sept. 1662: ‘now the days begin to shorten and so whereas I used to rise by 4 a-clock it is not broad daylight now till after 5 a-clock, so that it is 5 before I do rise’. Pepys, iii, p. 185. And on 7 Jan. 1663 he says: ‘up pretty early: that is by 7 a-clock, it being not yet light before or then’. Pepys, iv, p. 7. • 16. Cosmo, p. 210. For 3 a.m. starts, see Pepys, i, p. 125; ii, pp. 135, 149. The latter two instances were prior to setting out on a trip. • 17. Thoresby, i, p. 72. • 18. John Aubrey, Brief Lives: A Modern English Version Edited by Richard Barber (Woodbridge, 1982), p. 204. • 19. Pepys, i, p. 186. • 20. The computerised comparison of the language reveals that 84% of the New Testament and 76% of the Old Testament of the King James Version were taken verbatim from Tyndale. See Jon Nielson and Royal Skousen, ‘How much of the King James Bible is William Tyndale’s? An Estimation based on Sampling’, Reformation, 3 (1998), pp. 49–74. Also, when David Crystal read the King James Bible and counted therein a total of 257 idioms in daily use, he discovered only 18 were original to the team that put that work together: almost all the rest were the work of Tyndale. See David Crystal, ‘King James Bible: How are the Mighty Fallen?’, History Today, 61, 1 (January 2011). • 21. Mark Stoyle, West Britons: Cornish Identities and the Early Modern British State (Exeter, 2002), p. 15; Later Stuarts, pp. 409–10. • 22. Fiennes, p. 186. • 23. Later Stuarts, p. 410; HELS, p. 165. • 24. Pepys, i, pp. 260–1. • 25. Evelyn, i, p. 357; Cosmo, pp. 222, 224. • 26. The paper prices are from a 1674 inventory in Bristol, pp. 60–1. • 27. Pepys, iv, pp. 263–4. • 28. Anglia Notitia, ii, pp. 218–19; SED, pp. 367–9. • 29. Anglia Notitia, ii, p. 219. • 30. Misson, p. 222; , ii, pp. 218–19; Joan Day, ‘Dockwra, William (bap. 1635?, d. 1716)’, ODNB; Sir William Petty, Several Essays in Political Arithmetick (first published 1690; 4th edn, 1755),p. 171. • 31. Josselin, p. 136. • 32. Evelyn, ii, p. 311. • 33. Evelyn, ii, pp. 278 (Sicily); Pepys, iv, p. 240 (Tangiers). • 34. Pepys, ii, p. 56; iii, pp. 35–6. • 35. D. J. H. Clifford (ed.), The Diaries of Lady Anne Clifford (Stroud, 1990),p. 232; Evelyn, ii, pp. 198 (flood of news), 349n. (‘lecture nights’). • 36. Asa Briggs and Peter Burke, A Social History of the Media: From Gutenberg to the Internet (Cambridge, 2002), p. 76. • 37. Briggs and Burke, Media, p. 76. • 38. Misson, p. 283. • 39. Pepys, i, pp. 281–2; iii, pp. 163, 221; Evelyn, ii, pp. 2, 90. • 40. Evelyn, i, p. 366. Pepys notes the earl of Oxford’s ‘miss’ too, and states that she is ‘owned’ by the earl. Pepys, iii, pp. 32, 58 and 86. In 1666 Evelyn has another swipe at lords’ mistresses being onstage and refers to them as ‘misses’. Evelyn, ii, pp. 19, 67 (‘a miss as they call these unhappy creatures’). • 41. Pepys, ii, pp. 199, 215; iii, p. 207. • 42. Pepys Companion, pp. 100, 103. • 43. Cosmo, p. 193. • 44. London Spy, p. 31. • 45. Pepys, i, p. 287. • 46. Fiennes, pp. 64–5, 175. • 47. J. P. B. Karslake, ‘Further notes on the Old English Mile’, The Geographical Journal, 77, 4 (1931), pp. 358–60. • 48. AHEW, i, p. 8. • 49. Thomas Keith, The Complete Practical Arithmetician (1824), p. 23. • 50. The Scottish inch was 1.0016 of the imperial inch. See the data on the Scottish Archive Network page, http://www.scan.org.uk/measures/distance.asp, downloaded 14 March 2016. • 51. Pepys, iii, p. 266n. • 52. PL, pp. 165–6. • 53. Evelyn, ii, p. 345. • 54. SED, p. 707. • 55. Richard S. Westfall, ‘Newton, Sir Isaac (1642–1727)’, ODNB. • 56. Pepys Companion, p. 132. • 57. This example is held by Royal Bank of Scotland Heritage Archives. See Object 91 on their website: http://heritagearchives.rbs.com/rbs-history-in-100-objects/going-the-extra-mile/cheque-1659-60.html, downloaded 16 March 2016. • 58. For example, Noble, p. 104. • 59. PL, p. 170. • 60. Formally known as ‘An account of tallies struck on particular funds, the payments made thereon, and the principal remaining due’. Ogg, J. & W., p. 412. • 61. I think it is fair to say this was a common expression in the early 18th century, if not the 17th. Although often associated with Benjamin Franklin, it was first recorded in Christopher Bullock’s The Cobbler of Preston (1716) as ‘Tis impossible to be sure of any thing but Death and Taxes’. It also appeared in several other pre-Franklin texts, including Edward Ward’s Dancing Devils (1724), p. 43, and Daniel Defoe’s The History of the Devil (1728), p. 302. There was also a variation, ‘who would not appear against death and taxes?’, in The Gentleman’s Magazine (1733), p. 152. • 62. 12 Charles II, cap. 4, cap. 23; Owen Ruffhead (ed.), Statutes at Large, vol. 3 (1786), pp. 147–62, 172. • 63. Ogg, Charles II, ii, p. 435. • 64. Details of the Free and Voluntary Present are from the National Archives website, http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/e179/notes.asp?slctgrantid=188&action=3, downloaded 13 March 2016. • 65. Anne L. Murphy, ‘Lotteries in the 1690s: Investment or Gamble?’, Financial History Review, 12, 2 (2005), pp. 227–46; 10 & 11 William III, c. 17. • 66. Ogg, J. & W., p. 414. • 67. Baskerville, p. 310. • 68. ‘Guilds, markets and fairs’, in P. M. Tillott (ed.), A History of the County of York: The City of York (1961), pp. 481–91, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/yorks/city-of-york/pp481-491, accessed 9 March 2016. • 69. Mitchell (ed.), British Historical Statistics, pp. 719, 754. • 70. Daniel Defoe, A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of Great Britain (3 vols, 1724–7), vol. 1, letter 1, part 3 (http://www.visionofbritain.org.uk/travellers/Defoe/4, downloaded 15 March 2016). • 71. Edward Ward, Step to Stir-Bitch-Fair with remarks upon the University of Cambridge (1700), pp. 3, 14. • 72. Baskerville, pp. 272–3. • 73. These details are mostly from Defoe, Tour. The detail about Newton is from http://www.cam.ac.uk/research/features/stirbitch-mapping-the-unmappable, downloaded 15 March 2016. • 74. Ward, Step to Stir-Bitch-Fair, p. 15. • 75. Pepys, iv, p. 84 (haggling); i, p. 284 (inch of candle). • 76. London Spy, p. 57. • 77. The six that were discontinued are Bishopsgate, Eastcheap, Fish Street Hill, Old Fish Street, St Nicholas Shambles and St Paul’s Churchyard. • 78. By 1700 there were general food markets at Shadwell and Wapping (to the east of the city), Spitalfields (to the north-east) and Southwark (to the south). To the west of the city you had Bloomsbury, Brooke’s Market (near Gray’s Inn Road), Clare Market, Covent Garden Piazza, Hungerford Market (near Charing Cross), Newport Market, St James’s Market and Westminster. In addition there were hay markets in Haymarket, Whitechapel, Southwark and Chapel Street (Westminster), and a Rag Fair on Tower Hill for second-hand clothes. See Markets, p. 216. • 79. Markets, p. 27. • 80. Markets, pp. 28, 102.
6. What to Wear
1. Christopher Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages (revised edn, Cambridge, 1998), pp. 316–17. Similar heights are noted for Scotsmen and women: 5´ 5˝ to 5´ 7˝ (165–170cm) for the men and 5´ 1˝ to 5´ 3˝ (155–160cm) for the women. See OCSH, p. 285. • 2. Tim Allen, ‘The Forgotten Chemical Revolution’, British Archaeology, 66 (2002), http://www.archaeologyuk.org/ba/ba66/feat2.shtml, downloaded
22 May 2016. • 3. Lincoln, p. 8. • 4. For an example, see Fashion, p. 194. • 5. C. Willett Cunnington and Phillis Cunnington, The History of Underclothes (1951), pp. 56–60. • 6. Thirteen new pairs were valued at £1 2s 6d in 1680; a single second-hand pair at 1s 6d in 1685. See Bristol, pp. 112, 139. • 7. HECSC, pp. 133–4. • 8. Fashion, pp. 80, 96. • 9. Noble, p. 339 (muslin); HECSC, p. 147 (Venetian lace). • 10. Pepys, iv, p. 80. • 11. E.g. ‘3 dozen of wooleing hose for men £2 2s 0d’ in Bristol, p. 102. • 12. Pepys, iii, pp. 204, 217, 224. For boots costing 9s, see Bristol, p. 67. • 13. HECSC, p. 154 (red heels). • 14. Pepys, i, p. 26; HECSC, p. 156. • 15. Pepys, viii, p. 249. • 16. Buckinghamshire, pp. 258–9. • 17. Pepys Companion, p. 101. • 18. Pepys, iv, pp. 343, 350, 357–8, 380. • 19. Pepys, ix, p. 217. • 20. Noble, pp. 341–2. • 21. PFR, p. 125. For dog-skin gloves, see Lincoln, p. 110. • 22. Noble, p. 341. • 23. Noble, pp. 343–4. • 24. Lincoln, p. 110. • 25. Lincoln, p. xlviii. • 26. In March 1785 The Edinburgh Magazine carried a letter written 20 years earlier, stating that the kilt had been invented by an English engineer, Thomas Rawlinson, in the 1730s. The author of the letter had known Rawlinson. There are other stories about the origins of the kilt, including variations on this one, but this is the prime first-hand account. • 27. HELS, pp. 141, 156. • 28. EoaW, p. 48, quoting A Trip to Barbarous Scotland by an English Gentleman (1709). • 29. William Cleland, A Collection of Several Poems and Verses (1697), pp. 12–13. • 30. Fashion, p. 190. • 31. Julia Allen, Swimming with Dr Johnson and Mrs Thrale: Sport and Exercise in Eighteenth-century England (2012), pp. 163–4. • 32. I have not found a case of a smock marriage for the years in question, but there are instances recorded earlier and later. At Much Wenlock in 1547 Thomas Munslow, smith, married Alice Nycols in her smock and bare-headed (Cunnington and Cunnington, Underclothes, p. 47). At Chiltern All Saints in 1714 John Bridmore married Anne Selwood in her smock ‘without any clothes or headgear on’ (William Andrews, Old Church Lore (1891), p. 186). The latter work has further references for smock marriages in 1723, 1738, 1776, 1771, 1797, 1808 and between 1838 and 1844. Amy Louise Erickson, Women and Property in Early Modern England (2002), p. 146, states that ‘the idea of smock marriage was at least symbolic of the husband not getting any money with his bride from the early 17th century. Sir John Villiers protested he would take the heiress Frances Coke, daughter of Sir Edward Coke, “in her smock”, implying (speciously) that he loved her for her person, not her money.’ • 33. Pepys Companion, p. 102, is quite wrong to suggest otherwise. The reference to ‘plenty of literary evidence’ is a single reference to a ballad in John Ashton (ed.), A Century of Ballads illustrative of the life, manners and habits of the English nation during the Seventeenth Century (1887), in which women ran in men’s underwear for the sake of titillation. • 34. Pepys, iv, p. 172. This seems to be the meaning here, given the ‘naughty’ context of women wearing drawers elsewhere. It is possible that he wondered whether she was wearing long drawers – i.e. stirrup drawers – to preserve her modesty. He discovered in May 1668 that the recently married Mrs Lowther wore long drawers at her father’s house in London, for when he changed her shoes and tried to touch her thigh, he found them interrupting the progress of his hand. See Pepys, ix, p. 194. • 35. Ashton (ed.), Ballads, pp. 277–9; Allen, Swimming with Dr Johnson and Mrs Thrale, p. 164. • 36. Thomas Mace, Musick’s Monument (1676), p. 232. • 37. Pepys, iii, p.77; Pepys Companion, p. 101. • 38. Rugg, p. 105. • 39. John Bulwer, Artificial Changeling (1653), quoted in HECSC, p. 170. • 40. Fashion, pp. 212–13 (braid, perfumed shoe), 214–15 (embroidered velvet pantofles). • 41. Misson, p. 214. • 42. Fiennes, p. 207. • 43. Bristol, p. 54. • 44. Pepys Companion, p. 102. • 45. Pepys, i, p. 299. • 46. HECSC, pp. 181–3. • 47. Pepys, v, p. 78. • 48. Pharmacopoeia, p. 146. • 49. Quoted in HECSC, p. 187. • 50. Pepys, iii, p. 239. • 51. Misson, p. 214; HECSC, p. 187. • 52. Schellinks, p. 43; Iris Brooke, English Costume of the Seventeenth Century (2nd edn, 1950), p. 68. • 53. Essex, p. 125. • 54. Fiennes, p. 173. • 55. EoaW, p. 49, quoting A Trip to Barbarous Scotland by an English Gentleman (1709). • 56. HELS, p. 158. • 57. Hannah Woolley, The Gentlewoman’s Companion (3rd edn, 1682), pp. 294, 303. • 58. Pepys, i, p. 19. • 59. Pepys, i, p. 296. • 60. Noble, p. 214. • 61. For instance, ‘two smoothing irons’ were appraised at 2s in Bristol in 1689. See Bristol, p. 179. • 62. OED, under ‘iron’ and ‘ironing’.