Delphi Complete Works of Pausanias

by Pausanias

  [5] παρακλήσεις τε ἐγίνοντο, καὶ οἱ μὲν ζῶντες καὶ ἔτι ἄτρωτοι τοὺς τραυματίας παρώξυνον, πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἐσχάτην τινὶ ἐφεστηκέναι μοῖραν, ἀντιδράσαντα ὅ τι καὶ δύναιτο σὺν ἡδονῇ δέχεσθαι τὸ πεπρωμένον: οἱ δὲ ὁπότε αἴσθοιντο οἱ τραυματίαι τὴν ἰσχὺν σφᾶς ὑπολείπουσαν καὶ τὸ πνεῦμα οὐ παραμένον, διεκελεύοντο τοῖς ἀτρῶσι μὴ χείρονας ἢ αὐτοὶ γίνεσθαι μηδὲ ἐς ἀνωφελὲς τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων τελευτὴν καταστῆσαι.

  [8.5] They encouraged one another, the living and unwounded urging the stricken before their last moment came to sell their lives as dearly as they could and accept their fate with joy. And the wounded, when they felt their strength ebbing and breath failing, urged the unwounded to prove themselves no less valorous than they and not to render their death of no avail to their fatherland.

  [6] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ προτροπῇ μὲν ἐς ἀλλήλους τῇ δεήσει οὐκ ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἐς τὰ παράδοξα τῶν τολμημάτων οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἑτοίμως τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις εἶχον: ἅτε δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων τὰ πολεμικὰ ἐπιστάμενοι, βαθυτέρᾳ τε τῇ φάλαγγι ἐχρῶντο καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἤλπιζον οὔτε χρόνον τὸν ἴσον καρτερήσειν ἀντιτεταγμένους οὔτε πρὸς τὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κάματον ἢ τὰ τραύματα ἀνθέξειν.

  [8.6] The Lacedaemonians refrained from exhorting one another, and were less inclined than the Messenians to engage in striking deeds of valor. As they were versed in warfare from boyhood, they employed a deeper formation and hoped that the Messenians would not endure the contest for so long as they, or sustain the toil of battle or wounds.

  [7] ἴδια μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῷ στρατεύματι ἔς τε τὰ ἔργα ἦν καὶ ἐς τὰς γνώμας τῶν μαχομένων, κοινὰ δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων: οὔτε γὰρ ἱκεσίαις οἱ φονευόμενοι καὶ χρημάτων ὑποσχέσεσιν ἐχρῶντο, τάχα μέν που μὴ πείσειν διὰ τὸ ἔχθος ἀπεγνωκότες, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἀπαξιοῦντες ὡς οὐ τὰ πρότερά γε κακιοῦσιν: οἵ τε ἀποκτείνοντες ἀπείχοντο καὶ αὐχήματος ὁμοίως καὶ ὀνειδῶν, οὐκ ἔχοντές πω βεβαίαν οὐδέτεροι τὴν ἐλπίδα εἰ κρατήσουσι. παραδοξότατα δὲ ἀπέθνησκον οἱ τῶν κειμένων σκυλεύειν τινὰ ἐπιχειροῦντες: ἢ γὰρ τοῦ σώματος γυμνόν τι ὑποφήναντες ἠκοντίζοντο καὶ ἐτύπτοντο οὐ προορώμενοι διὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀσχολίαν, ἢ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν σκυλευομένων ἔτι ἐμπνεόντων διεφθείροντο.

  [8.7] These were the differences in both sets of combatants in action and in feeling; but on both sides alike the conquered made no appeals or promises of ransom, perhaps in their enmity despairing of getting quarter, but mainly because they scorned to disgrace their previous achievements. The victorious refrained alike from boasting and from taunts, neither side having yet sure hopes of victory. The most remarkable was the death of those who tried to strip any of the fallen. For if they exposed any part of their bodies, they were struck with javelins or were struck down while intent on their present occupation, or were killed by those whom they were plundering who still lived.

  [8] ἐμάχοντο δὲ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀξίως λόγου, Θεόπομπος δὲ καὶ ἀκρατέστερον ὥρμητο ὡς αὐτὸν ἀποκτενῶν Εὐφαῆ. Εὐφαὴς δὲ ὁρῶν ἐπιόντα εἶπεν ἄρα πρὸς τὸν Ἄντανδρον οὐδὲν εἶναι τὰ Θεοπόμπου διάφορα ἢ ὅσα ὁ πρόγονος αὐτοῦ Πολυνείκης ἐτόλμησε: Πολυνείκην τε γὰρ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἀγαγόντα ἐξ Ἄργους ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοχειρὶ καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ἐκείνου, Θεόπομπόν τε ἐθέλειν ἐς τὸ ἴσον καταστῆσαι μιάσματος τοῖς ἀπὸ Λαΐου καὶ Οἰδίποδος τὸ Ἡρακλειδῶν γένος: οὐ μέντοι χαίροντά γε ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης διακριθήσεσθαι. τοιαῦτα ἐπιλέγων ἀντεπῄει καὶ οὗτος.

  [8.8] The kings fought in a manner that deserves mention. Theopompus rushed wildly forward to slay Euphaes himself. Euphaes, seeing him advancing, said to Antander that the action of Theopompus was no different from the attempt of his ancestor Polyneices; for Polyneices led an army from Argos against his fatherland, and slaying his brother with his own hand was slain by him. Theopompus was ready to involve the race of the Heracleidae in pollution as great as that of the house of Laius and Oedipus, but he would not leave the field unscathed. With these words he too advanced.

  [9] ἐνταῦθα ἥ τε πᾶσα μάχη κεκμηκότων ὅμως ἐς τὸ ἀκμαιότατον αὖθις ἤρθη, καὶ τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀνερρώννυντο καὶ τὸ ἀφειδὲς ἐς τὸν θάνατον παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ηὐξάνετο, ὥστε εἰκάσαι ἄν τις τοῦ ἔργου τότε σφᾶς πρῶτον ἅπτεσθαι. τέλος δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τῆς τε ἀπονοίας τῷ ὑπερβάλλοντι μανίας ὄντες ἐγγύτατα καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίας — πᾶν γὰρ δὴ τὸ περὶ τὸν βασιλέα οἱ λογάδες τῶν Μεσσηνίων ἦσαν — βιάζονται τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους: καὶ αὐτόν τε Θεόπομπον ἀπώσαντο καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐτρέψαντο.

  [8.9] Thereupon the battle, though the combatants had wearied, everywhere broke out again in full force. Their strength was renewed and recklessness of death heightened on both sides, so that it might have been thought that they were engaging for the first time. Finally Euphaes and his men in a frenzy of despair that was near to madness (for picked Messenian troops formed the whole of the king’s bodyguard), overpowering the enemy by their valor, drove back Theopompus himself and routed the Lacedaemonian troops opposed to them.

  [10] τὸ δὲ ἕτερον κέρας τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἐταλαιπώρει. Πυθάρατός τε γὰρ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐτεθνήκει καὶ αὐτοὶ διὰ τὴν ἀναρχίαν ἀτακτότερον καὶ θορυβωδέστερον ἐμάχοντο, οὐ μέντοι ἀθύμως εἶχον οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι. φεύγουσι δὲ οὔτε τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ὁ Πολύδωρος οὔτε οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐφαῆ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἠκολούθησαν: Εὐφαεῖ γὰρ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν αἱρετώτερα ἐφαίνετο ἀμύνειν τοῖς ἡττωμένοις — οὐ μέντοι Πολυδώρῳ γὲ οὐδὲ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν συμμίσγουσιν, ἐν σκότῳ γὰρ ἤδη τὰ γινόμενα ἦν —

  [8.10] But the other Messenian wing was in difficulties, for the general Pytharatus had been killed, and the men, without a commander, were fighting in a disorganized and confused manner, though not without heart. Polydorus did not pursue the Messenians when they gave way, nor Euphaes’ men the Lacedaemonians. It seemed better to him and his men to support the defeated wing; they did not, however, engage with Polydorus’ force, for darkness had already descended
on the field;

  [11] καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἅμα εἶργε μὴ πρόσω τοῖς ἀποχωροῦσιν ἐπακολουθεῖν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ ἡ ἀπειρία τῶν τόπων. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλως πάτριον σχολαιοτέρας τὰς διώξεις ποιεῖσθαι, μὴ διαλῦσαι τὴν τάξιν πλείονα ἔχοντας πρόνοιαν ἤ τινα ἀποκτεῖναι φεύγοντα. τὰ δὲ μέσα ἀμφοτέροις, ᾗ Λακεδαιμονίων ὁ Εὐρυλέων, Μεσσηνίοις δὲ Κλέοννις ἡγεῖτο, ἰσοπαλῶς μὲν ἠγωνίζοντο, διέλυσε δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ τούτους ἐπελθοῦσα ἡ νύξ.

  [8.11] moreover, the Lacedaemonians were prevented from following the retiring force further not least by their ignorance of the country. Also it was an ancient practice with them not to carry out a pursuit too quickly, as they were more careful about maintaining their formation than about slaying the flying. In the center, where Euryleon was commanding the Lacedaemonians, and Cleonnis on the Messenian side, the contest was undecided; the coming of night separated them here also.

  [12] ταύτην τὴν μάχην παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων ἢ μόνα ἢ μάλιστα ἐμαχέσαντο τὰ ὁπλιτικά. οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀλίγοι τε ἦσαν καὶ οὐδὲν ὥστε καὶ μνημονευθῆναι διεπράξαντο: οὐ γάρ τοι ἀγαθοὶ τότε ἱππεύειν ἦσαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι. τῶν δὲ Μεσσηνίων οἱ ψιλοὶ καὶ οἱ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίοις Κρῆτες οὐδὲ συνέμιξαν ἀρχήν: τῷ γὰρ πεζῷ τῷ σφετέρῳ κατὰ τρόπον ἔτι ἑκάτεροι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐπετάχθησαν.

  [8.12] This battle was fought principally or entirely by the heavy-armed troops on both sides. The mounted men were few and achieved nothing worth mention; for the Peloponnesians were not good horsemen then. The Messenian light-armed and the Cretans on the Lacedaemonian side did not engage at all; for on both sides according to the ancient practice they were posted in reserve to their own infantry.

  [13] ἐς δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν μάχης μὲν οὐδέτεροι διενοοῦντο ἄρχειν οὐδὲ ἱστάναι πρότεροι τρόπαιον, προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ὑπὲρ ἀναιρέσεως τῶν νεκρῶν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρὰ ἀμφοτέρων συνεχωρήθη, θάψειν ἔμελλον ἤδη τὸ ἐντεῦθεν.

  [8.13] The following day neither side was minded to begin battle or to be the first to set up a trophy, but as the day advanced they made proposals for taking up the dead; when this was agreed on both sides, they proceeded to bury them.

  9. τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις μετὰ τὴν μάχην πονηρὰ γίνεσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἤρχετο: δαπάνῃ τε γὰρ χρημάτων ἀπειρήκεσαν, ἃ τῶν πόλεων ἀνήλισκον ἐς τὰς φρουράς, καὶ οἱ δοῦλοι παρὰ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ηὐτομόλουν, τοῖς δὲ καὶ νόσος ἐνέπεσε καὶ ταραχὰς μὲν παρέσχεν ὡς εἴη λοιμώδης, οὐ μὴν ἐς ἅπαντάς γε ἐχώρησεν. βουλευομένοις δὲ πρὸς τὰ παρόντα ἐδόκει τὰ μὲν πολλὰ πολίσματα τὰ ἐς μεσόγαιαν πάντα ἐκλείπειν, ἐς δὲ τὸ ὄρος ἀνοικίζεσθαι τὴν Ἰθώμην.

  [9.1] IX. But after the battle the affairs of the Messenians began to get serious. They were exhausted by the expenditure of money devoted to the garrisoning of the towns, and their slaves were deserting to the Lacedaemonians. They were visited also by disease, which caused alarm, as resembling plague, although it did not attack all. In these circumstances they resolved to desert all their numerous towns inland and to settle on Mount Ithome.

  [2] ἦν δὲ καὶ πόλισμα αὐτόθι οὐ μέγα, ὃ καὶ Ὅμηρόν φασιν ἔχειν ἐν καταλόγῳ: “καὶ Ἰθώμην κλιμακόεσσαν.

  “Hom. Il 2.729ἐς τοῦτο τὸ πόλισμα ἀνῳκίζοντο, ἐπεκτείνοντες τὸν ἀρχαῖον περίβολον ἔρυμα εἶναι πᾶσιν αὔταρκες. ἦν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ἄλλως ἐχυρόν: ἡ γὰρ Ἰθώμη μεγέθει τε οὐδενὸς ἀποδεῖ τῶν ὀρῶν ὁπόσα ἐντός ἐστιν ἰσθμοῦ καὶ δύσβατος κατὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἦν.

  [9.2] A small town existed here, which they say Homer mentions in the Catalogue:

  Stepped Ithome. Hom. Il. 2.729

  To this town they withdrew, extending the old circuit to form a sufficient protection for them all. The place was strong in other respects, for Ithome falls short of none of the mountains within the Isthmus in height and at this point was most difficult to climb.

  [3] ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ θεωρὸν πέμψαι σφίσιν ἐς Δελφούς. ἀποστέλλουσιν οὖν Τῖσιν τὸν Ἄλκιδος, καὶ ἀξιώματι οὐδενὸς ὕστερον καὶ ὅτι προσκεῖσθαι μαντικῇ μάλιστα ἐνομίζετο. τοῦτον τὸν Τῖσιν ἐπανιόντα ἐκ Δελφῶν λοχῶσιν ἄνδρες Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ἀμφείᾳ φρουρᾶς: λοχήσαντες δὲ — οὐ γὰρ ὑπεῖκεν αἰχμάλωτος γενέσθαι — περιμένοντα οὖν ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ ἀνθεστηκότα ἐτίτρωσκον, ἐς ὃ γίνεται βοή σφισιν ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ‘τὸν χρησμοφόρον μέθες.’

  [9.3] They also resolved to send an envoy to Delphi, and despatched Tisis the son of Alcis, a man of the highest reputation, considered to be fully versed in divination. While he was returning from Delphi men from the Lacedaemonian garrison at Ampheia laid an ambush for him. Though trapped, he did not submit to be made a prisoner, but stood his ground to resist in spite of the wounds he received, until a voice was heard from an unseen quarter, “Let the bearer of the oracle go free.”

  [4] καὶ Τῖσις μὲν ὡς ἀπεσώθη τάχιστα ἐς Ἰθώμην καὶ τὴν μαντείαν παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα ἀνήνεγκε, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ὑπὸ τῶν τραυμάτων τελευτᾷ: τοὺς δὲ Μεσσηνίους συναθροίσας ὁ Εὐφαὴς ἐπεδείκνυ τὸν χρησμόν:”κόρην ἄχραντον νερτέροισι δαίμοσι,

  κλήρῳ λαχοῦσαν Αἰπυτιδῶν ἀφ᾽ αἵματος,

  θυηπολεῖτε νυκτέροισιν ἐν σφαγαῖς.

  ἢν δὲ σφαλῆτε, καὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλοίου τότε

  θύειν, διδόντος ἐς σφαγὴν ἑκουσίως.

  “

  [9.4] Tisis, reaching Ithome with all speed, delivered the oracle to the king, and soon afterwards died of his wounds. Euphaes assembled the Messenians and made known the oracle:

  Ye shall sacrifice a pure maiden to the gods below, appointed by lot of the blood of the sons of Aepytus, and slay her by night. But if that ye cannot do, offer a maiden from another house, if the father gives her freely for the slaughter.

  [5] ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ δηλώσαντος αὐτίκα ἐκληροῦντο ὅσαι παρθένοι τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν γένους ἦσαν: καὶ ἐπελάμβανε γὰρ Λυκίσκου θυγατέρα ὁ κλῆρος, ταύτην Ἐπήβολος ὁ μάντις ἀπηγόρευεν ὡς οὐ δέοι θύειν, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι Λυκίσκου: τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα ἣ Λυκίσκῳ συνῴκησεν, ὡς τεκεῖν οὔκουν οἵα τε ἦν, ἐν τούτῳ τὴν παῖδα ὑποβαλέσθαι. ἐν ὅσ�
� δὲ οὗτος ἀνεδίδασκε τὰ ἐς αὐτήν, ἐν τοσῷδε ὁ Λυκίσκος ἀπαγόμενος ἅμα καὶ τὴν παρθένον ηὐτομόλησεν ἐς Σπάρτην.

  [9.5] When the god declared this, all the maidens of the house of the Aepytidae forthwith cast lots, and the lot fell on the daughter of Lyciscus. But Epebolus the seer forbade them to offer her, for she was not the daughter of Lyciscus, but the woman who was married to Lyciscus being unable to bear a child had palmed off the girl as hers. While Epebolus was making this declaration, Lyciscus took the girl away and deserted to Sparta.

  [6] ἐχόντων δὲ ἀθύμως τῶν Μεσσηνίων ὡς Λυκίσκον ἀποδράντα ᾔσθοντο, ἐνταῦθά σφισιν Ἀριστόδημος ἀνὴρ καὶ γένους τοῦ Αἰπυτιδῶν καὶ Λυκίσκου τῇ τε ἄλλῃ δόξῃ καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμον ἐπιφανέστερος ἐδίδου τὴν θυγατέρα ἑκὼν θῦσαι. τὰ δὲ ἀνθρώπων καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα τὸ πρόθυμον ἡ πεπρωμένη κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐπικρύπτει καὶ εἰ ψηφῖδα ἐπιλαβοῦσα ἰλὺς ποταμοῦ, ὅπου καὶ τότε Ἀριστοδήμῳ διασώσασθαι Μεσσήνην ἀγώνισμα ποιουμένῳ τὸ ἐμπόδιον ἐπήγαγε τοιόνδε.

  [9.6] The Messenians were in despair when they saw that Lyciscus had fled; thereupon Aristodemus, a son of the house of the Aepytidae, of higher standing than Lyciscus both in reputation and in war, freely offered his daughter for the sacrifice. But human affairs and human purpose above all are obscured by fate, just as the mud of a river hides a pebble; for when Aristodemus was striving his utmost to save Messene, fate set this obstacle in his path.