Wilmington's Lie

by Zucchino, David

  Colonel Alfred Moore Waddell was the leading orator for the white supremacy campaign in 1898, inciting whites to attack and terrorize black citizens. He vowed to fill the Cape Fear River with black carcasses.

  Alexander Lightfoot Manly was the editor of the Daily Record and the grandson of a white North Carolina governor. White supremacists used Manly’s scathing August 1898 editorial on race and sex as a pretext to order his lynching and burn his newspaper. Manly escaped Wilmington before the coup.

  Furnifold Simmons was the chairman of the state Democratic Party and the political leader of the white supremacy campaign of 1898. His speeches and proclamations incited whites to violence.

  In 1898, the Democratic Party distributed a Democratic Hand Book to warn white voters of the existential threat of Negro rule—“a curse to both races.” The pamphlet declared North Carolina “white man’s country,” where blacks would obey or die.

  The News and Observer fanned white fears that blacks’ new political rights emboldened them to rape white women and take white men’s jobs. Editor Josephus Daniels incited whites to overthrow “black rule,” publishing race-baiting articles—and cartoons aimed at illiterate whites. Daniels called his paper “the militant voice of White Supremacy.”

  Six leading white Republicans and Populists—“degenerate sons of the white race”—were targeted for banishment by the coup’s leaders for their political alignment with black Republicans. Three were banished from Wilmington forever.

  George Rountree was a Harvard-educated lawyer and a leading conspirator in the murders and coup on November 10, 1898.

  William Everett Henderson was a Wilmington lawyer who lived as a black man but was actually the son of a white man and a Cherokee woman. A respected leader among blacks, he was banished from Wilmington at gunpoint after the coup.

  John C. Dancy was the highly paid customs collector at the Wilmington port. He counseled fellow blacks in Wilmington to bow to white supremacist threats and blamed editor Alex Manly for the riot and coup.

  Wilmington’s white businessmen purchased a Colt rapid-fire for the Wilmington Light Infantry to use against the city’s black citizens. On November 10, 1898, the miltia towed the gun through the streets to terrorize blacks.

  State militiamen from Wilmington and three other North Carolina towns. Seated third from left is George Morton, Naval Reserves commander. Seated third from right is Lt. Col. Walker Taylor, Wilmington Light Infantry commander. Seated second from right is Capt. Thomas C. James, commander of a WLI company. Photo taken November 10, 1898.

  Charles Aycock was a former red-shirt supporter whose race-baiting speeches in 1898 incited whites to attack and terrorize black voters. He was elected governor of North Carolina in 1900.

  Red Shirts in Laurinburg, about 100 miles northwest of Wilmington. The Red Shirts proved even more effective than the Ku Klux Klan in killing and terrorizing blacks in Wilmington and the Cape Fear country—and stripping most of the right to vote.

  Colonel Roger Moore commanded the Ku Klux Klan in Wilmington in 1868 and the city’s Red Shirts in 1898. His gunmen were responsible for killing many of the black men shot dead on November 10, 1898.

  Capt. Donald MacRae commanded a company of the Wilmington Light Infantry. Because the militiamen were still federal soldiers after serving in the Spanish-American War, white supremacist leaders minimized MacRae’s role on November 10 for fear of federal intervention.

  The leading black men of Wilmington were ordered to obey the terms of the “White Declaration of Independence” and to banish Alex Manly. In their written response, they condemned Manly and promised to cooperate with white coup leaders.

  The first gunshots fired on November 10, 1898, sounded at the corner of North Fourth and Harnett Streets after whites and blacks faced off here.

  Some oral traditions say Alex Manly (left) and his brother Frank fled Wilmington together before the riot and coup. Alex did leave, but Frank remained at the Daily Record until the morning of November 10, when he fled the city to escape the approaching mob.

  Members of the white mob pose after burning the black-readership Daily Record newspaper and failing to find and lynch editor Alex Manly. Photo taken on November 10, 1898.

  Gov. Daniel Russell, a Republican from Wilmington, was bullied by white supremacists into sending white supremacist militias from other cities into Wilmington on November 10, 1898, under the pretext that blacks—not whites—were rioting.

  Fusionists of both races were targeted for banishment after the coup, but more blacks were forcibly ejected. On November 11, 1898, armed white militiamen escorted several prominent black men to Wilmington’s train station for permanent banishment.

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  T HIS BOOK is a work of journalism, but it has relied extensively on a foundation laid by historians. I approached this project by attempting to transport myself back to 1898, seeking out the written record left by Wilmington’s white conspirators and their black targets—letters, diaries, memoirs, articles, proclamations, telegrams, and various official communications. There was also a rich, if deeply biased, record provided by the many national white journalists dispatched to Wilmington to report on what they described as “the race war,” as well as articles by white supremacist reporters for Wilmington’s newspapers.

  But a full and accurate account would not have been possible without the work of academic researchers whose patient digging undermined the false narrative crafted by white supremacists. Helen Edmonds, an African American scholar at North Carolina Central University, was the first to expose the white myth of 1898 in her groundbreaking 1951 work, The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 1894–1901. I am also indebted to another African American historian, H. Leon Prather Sr., for his detailed 1984 account, We Have Taken a City: Wilmington Racial Massacre and Coup of 1898.

  Equally essential was the extensive research conducted by the state of North Carolina’s Wilmington Race Riot Commission under the auspices of the North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Office of Archives and History. The commission produced the definitive 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Report, led by principal researcher LeRae Umfleet, whose companion book, A Day of Blood, was also an invaluable resource. In addition, LeRae guided me to other important sources of information. Also especially helpful was Michael Hill, research supervisor at the North Carolina Office of Archives and History.

  Robert Wooley graciously shared extensive archival material on the life and work of Alexander Manly and offered suggestions for the manuscript. Wooley’s 1977 PhD dissertation, “Race and Politics: The Evolution of the White Supremacy Campaign of 1898 in North Carolina,” was an indispensable guide. I relied, too, on other dissertations, especially Jerome McDuffie’s “Politics in Wilmington and New Hanover County, North Carolina, 1865–1900: The Genesis of a Race Riot,” as well as academic works by Sue Ann Cody, Hayumi Higuchi, and Evelyn Underwood.

  For the life and times of Abraham Galloway, I relied heavily on David S. Cecelski’s intriguing and deeply researched book, The Fire of Freedom: Abraham Galloway & the Slaves’ Civil War. Equally valuable was Democracy Betrayed: The Wilmington Race Riot of 1898 and Its Legacy, edited by Cecelski and Timothy B. Tyson.

  Much of my research was conducted at Wilson Library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The staffs of the North Carolina Collection and the Southern Historical Collection fielded countless requests with professionalism and courtesy. I want to especially thank John Blythe at the North Carolina Collection, who took a special interest in this book and guided me through the collection. Also helpful was the staff at the David M. Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Duke University.

  In Wilmington, Beverly Tetterton was the perfect guide, walking the streets with me and pointing out important landmarks while enriching my understanding of the events of 1898. The staffs of the New Hanover County Public Library and the Cape Fear Museum were helpful and patient. Malcolm McLaurin provided essential background on the struggle
in modern Wilmington to commemorate the riot and coup. He also offered a thoughtful critique of the manuscript.

  Several descendants of historical figures caught up in the tumultuous events of 1898 graciously agreed to speak with me about the painful legacy of the killings and coup. I thank Lewin Manly Jr., Lisa Adams, George Rountree III, Faye Chaplin, and Frank A. Daniels Jr. for sharing their memories with me.

  I also thank Sasha Mitchell for her genealogical research on the families of Alexander Manly, Abraham Galloway, and Thomas C. Miller. Thanks, too, to the Logan Nonfiction Program at the Carey Institute for Global Good for providing living quarters, writing time, and good company.

  Many friends read all or portions of the manuscript or the book proposal and offered insightful suggestions. I want to thank Rick Nichols, Nancy Szokan, Kevin Maurer, Errol Somay, Jim Wann, Bruce Siceloff, Greg Boyden, and my brothers Vince and Larry Zucchino. I’m especially grateful to Bland Simpson, who knows as much about the people and history of the Carolina coast as anyone alive. Bland took an early and abiding interest in this book. Our regular conversations over BLT sandwiches at Merritt’s Grill in Chapel Hill were always enlightening.

  My agent, Flip Brophy at Sterling Lord Literistic, has always believed in my work and fought hard to have it published. She is a trusted and lasting friend.

  At Grove Atlantic, Morgan Entrekin took a chance with this book, despite my disjointed proposal. Morgan recognized the significance of this forgotten chapter of American history and pushed me to place the events of 1898 in the proper historical context. Two talented and sharp-eyed editors, Allison Malecha and Brenna McDuffie, made valuable improvements to the manuscript. They offered constructive advice that helped sharpen the writing and streamline the narrative. Additional editing by Paula Cooper Hughes and Julia Berner-Tobin corrected my many factual errors, grammatical mistakes, and misspellings. Sara Vitale made sure everything connected to this project was accomplished professionally and on time. Deb Seager worked diligently to promote this book.

  Finally, I owe everything to the four most important people in my life—my wife Kacey and our daughters Adrien, Emily, and Natalie. My favorite editor, Kacey, was the first person to read my early draft. She is a voracious reader, with a remarkable ability to spot holes and flaws in a narrative. She flagged confusing passages, narrative inconsistencies, and excess verbiage, helping me polish and focus the manuscript. Kacey instilled in our daughters a lifelong love of books and reading. They, too, took an exceptional interest in this book and provided astute critiques. It is a blessing to have my family’s love and support. Every writer should be so fortunate.

  NOTES

  Prologue

  The killers came 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Report, 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission, North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Office of Archives and History, LeRae Umfleet, principal researcher, May 31, 2006, 133. (Hereafter cited as Riot Commision Report.)

  Many of them Washington Evening Star, November 10, 1898.

  Murchison also sold Contested Election Case, Oliver H. Dockery v. John D. Bellamy, from the Sixth Congressional District of the State of North Carolina (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1899), 13, 14.

  When pressed on Ibid., 11.

  Years later, one Harry Hayden, The Wilmington Rebellion , North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1952, 10.

  Wilmington, with a William M. Reaves, Strength Through Struggle: The Chronological and Historical Record of the African-American Community in Wilmington, North Carolina, 1865–1960, ed. Beverly Tetterton (Wilmington, N.C.: New Hanover County Public Library, 1998), 496.

  They telegraphed emergency Wilmington Semi-Weekly Messenger, reprint of Baltimore Sun article, November 8, 1898.

  “Nigger lawyers are” Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 1894–1901 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 164.

  In 1898, a Robert H. Wooley, “Race and Politics: The Evolution of the White Supremacy Campaign of 1898 in North Carolina,” thesis, University of North Carolina, 1977, 161.

  There were black Reaves, Strength Through Struggle, 489. Sue Ann Cody, “After the Storm: Racial Violence in Wilmington, North Carolina and Its Consequences for African-Americans, 1898–1905,” thesis, University of North Carolina Wilmington, 2000, 26–27.

  Black merchants sold John C. Dancy, Sand Against the Wind: The Memoirs of John C. Dancy (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1966), 66.

  A black barber served LeRae Sikes Umfleet, A Day of Blood: The 1898 Wilmington Race Riot (Raleigh: North Carolina Office of Archives and History, 2009), 181.

  The county jailer Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics, 163.

  The county treasurer Ibid.

  In 1891, President Ibid., 89.

  A white newspaper H. Leon Prather Sr., We Have Taken a City, Wilmington Racial Massacre and Coup of 1898 (Wilmington, N.C.: Associated University Presses, NU World Enterprises Inc., 1984), 23.

  Black businessmen pooled Jerome A. McDuffie, “Politics in Wilmington and New Hanover County, 1865–1900: The Genesis of a Race Riot,” PhD diss., Kent State University, 1979, 342.

  A black alderman Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics, 164.

  In fact, Wilmington’s Ibid., 173, 200. McDuffie, “Politics in Wilmington,” 324.

  The planters, lawyers, Alan D. Watson, Wilmington, North Carolina, to 1861 (Jefferson, N.C., and London: McFarland and Company, 2003), 9–15.

  The armed men Minutes of the Organizational Meeting of the Association of Members of the Wilmington Light Infantry, Lumina, Wrightsville Beach, December 14, 1905, North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 10.

  The white men Wilmington Messenger, November 11, 1898.

  One of the Hayden, The Wilmington Rebellion , 30

  Some of the Prather, We Have Taken a City, 115.

  The compress was Andrew J. Howell, The Book of Wilmington (Published privately, 1930), 165. Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 169.

  The white men Wilmington Messenger , November 11, 1898.

  A city newspaper Ibid.

  They were “going” Jane Cronly, Account of the Race Riot in Wilmington, 1898, unpublished diary, Cronly Family Papers, Duke University Libraries.

  “I’m as brave” Wilmington Messenger, November 11, 1898.

  He had walked Contested Election Case, 342.

  Prospective members had Umfleet, Day of Blood, 57–58, 220. Alfred Moore Waddell, Some Memories of My Life (Raleigh, N.C.: Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, 1908), 45–46. Reaves, Strength Through Struggle, 335–336.

  Under optimum conditions Wilmington Messenger, November 1, 1898. Washington Post, October 29, 1898. Umfleet, A Day of Blood, 96.

  Most were from Umfleet, A Day of Blood, 58, 220.

  Like the men Report of the Commanding Officer of Naval Battalion, Headquarters, N.C. Naval Battalion, Wilmington, December 1, 1898, Reports on the Riot at Wilmington, November 22, 1898, North Carolina Public Documents, Document No. 9, North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 28.

  The gun’s bore Umfleet, A Day of Blood, 98.

  One of Wilmington’s Wilmington Messenger, November 8, 1898.

  Just before midday Umfleet, A Day of Blood, 92.

  BOOK ONE : DAYS OF HOPE

  One: Cake and Wine

  General Braxton Bragg William McKee Evans, Ballots and Fence Rails: Reconstruction on the Lower Cape Fear (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 35.

  The US Navy William S. Powell, Encyclopedia of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 460.

  Portions of the Evans, Ballots and Fence Rails, 35–36.

  Corn sold for Ibid., 21.

  Many Union soldiers Ibid., 38.

  Carpenters struggled Ibid., 39.

  One visitor claimed Ibid, 71.

  “There is not” Wilmington Herald, June 14, 1865.


  Just a few months earlier Wilmington Daily Journal, December 26, 1864.

  Dick was considered Ibid.

  Barely six thousand Gregory P. Downs, After Appomattox—Military Occupation and the Ends of War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2015), 103.

  And by the Steven Hahn, Steven F. Miller, et al., Freedom, A Documentary History of Emancipation 1861–1867, Series 3: Volume 1, Land and Labor, 1865 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 173.

  The mayor quickly Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, at the First Session, Thirty-Ninth Congress (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1866), 267.

  “The people boast” W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Black Reconstruction: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America, 1860–1880 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935), 136.

  In September, Ames Evans, Ballots and Fence Rails, 58.

  But the Freedmen’s Hahn, Miller, et al., Freedom, 759–761.

  A general order Wilmington Herald, July 17, 1865.

  One leading black Evans, Ballots and Fence Rails, 65.

  Most of the new Report of the Joint Committee, 271.

  In the countryside Evans, Ballots and Fence Rails, 68.

  Colonel Beadle had Hahn, Miller, et al., Freedom, 183.

  “They would endeavor” Report of the Joint Committee, 266–272.