Delville Wood

by Ian Uys

  *

  The Franco-British Somme offensive commenced with a bombardment of unprecedented fury on 24 June 1916. For a week the German positions were subjected to heavy artillery fire, from more than 1,500 guns; one for every 20 yards of front. This was a landmark in the history of the war as it marked the beginning of the British taking over the main burden of the Western Front Campaign. By then the French had been drained of their strength at Verdun.

  The main attack on 1 July was on a fourteen mile front from Maricourt to Serre. Eleven divisions of Gen Henry Rawlinson’s 4th Army were to head the attack. Five divisions plus two cavalry divisions were in close reserve.

  In few battles on the Western Front was topography of such importance. The range of hills running north-west from Peronne had been in German hands since October 1914. They had command of the heights and observation over the allied lines — and beyond. They had strengthened their trench defences and built one stronghold after another — principally in the copses or woods. The offensive was launched uphill against an almost impenetrable series of fortresses. The British GOC was Gen Douglas Haig.

  The British barrage flattened the enemy trenches, while the Germans sheltered in deep dug-outs and shell-holes. When the barrage lifted the Germans emerged and manned their machine-guns. As the massed waves of British infantrymen attacked the Germans retaliated with a hail of machine-gun fire. The Tommies had been taught to advance shoulder to shoulder at a slow walk with fixed bayonets upright. This resulted in the heaviest British loss of any one day’s fighting in the war — over 54,000 casualties of whom more than 19,000 were killed or died of wounds. This was the heaviest loss suffered by any army in a single day in the First World War.

  Rawlinson realised that he had to capitalise on the limited successes achieved. In addition he had to forestall the Germans from being reinforced and from rebuilding a fortified front. The second line could prove more formidable than the original. He chose to attack on a narrow four mile front stretching from Bazentin-le-Petit Wood on the left to Longueval village and Delville Wood on the right. But first Bernafay Wood and Trones Wood, which lay south of and below Delville Wood, would have to be taken.

  Rawlinson deviated from usual tactics in opting for a night advance and dawn attack, preceded by a short barrage. Haig was strongly opposed to this and delayed the attack to 14 July. On the right flank the 3rd and 9th Divisions of the XIII Corps were commanded by Generals J Haldane and W Furse.

  *

  General Sixt von Armin commanded the 4th Corps at the Somme and proved himself one of the most original tacticians on the German side.

  The 3rd Guards Division had been brought from the Russian Front in April 1916 and had been hailed by the Kaiser as the hope of his Empire. It contained three regiments, The Guards Fusiliers, the Lehr Regiment and the 9th Grenadiers.

  The 5th Brandenburg Division were in the sector of the German second line (Longueval) on the Somme. Three Brandenburg regiments defended the Longueval/Delville Wood area. They were the best soldiers that Germany could produce.

  Haig’s delay had allowed the Germans to bring up fresh reserves. The German trenches ran in front of Bazentin-le-Grand and Bazentin-le-Petit Woods, Longueval and Delville Wood. The 21st British Division captured Bazentin-le-Petit, the 7th and 3rd Divisions Bazentin-le-Grand Wood and village respectively and the 9th Scottish Division fought its way with great difficulty through Montauban to the outskirts of Bernafay Wood. This was the extreme right of the British line, beyond which the French Army operated.

  *

  Lieutenant Percy Richardson Roseby, 39, of the 2nd SAI was attached to the brigade as intelligence officer and ADC to Gen Lukin. After immigrating from England he had served in the Natal Police then joined the SA Permanent Force and served in SWA with the 3rd SAMR. Roseby received a mention in despatches for his services. Shortly after arriving in Flanders he was wounded in the left arm and hospitalised. Roseby rejoined the brigade on 6 June.

  Second-Lieutenant Frederick Burton of the 3rd SAI acted as the brigade signalling officer. He had enlisted on 2 September 1915 for the duration of the war.

  At the commencement of the Somme offensive the South African Brigade comprised the four infantry battalions, the 28th Brigade Machine-gun Company, the 64th Field Company Royal Engineers, the South African Brigade Light Trench Mortar Battery and the SA Field Ambulance. The brigade first moved to Grove Town, on the outskirts of Bray, then on 2 July moved to Billon Valley to relieve the 27th Brigade.

  Two days later Gen Furse ordered Lukin to relieve the 21st Brigade in divisional reserve and the 89th Brigade in the “Glatz Redoubt” sector of the front. The 1st and 4th SAI then held the sector between the French in the east to the Bricqueterie Trench near Montauban, the 2nd SAI were in divisional reserve at Talus Boise and the 3rd were in support north-west of Montauban in old German front-line trenches. That night the 27th Brigade cleared Bernafay Wood and the 30th Division attacked Trones Wood.

  On the 5th Gen Lukin personally toured the front-line trenches and was on his feet for over 15 hours. In this respect he was notable among brigade commanders. The following day there was a great deal of shelling. The South African casualties included two officers killed, Lieut W Brown of the 1st at Chimney Trench and Lieut H Oughterson of the 4th at Glatz Redoubt.

  The shelling continued on the 7th. During a heavy downpour that afternoon the 1st SAI was relieved by the 18th Manchesters of the 21st Brigade. That evening preliminary orders were received for the second stage of the assault, the attack on Longueval village by the 9th Scottish Division.

  *

  Eddie Fitz had his own theories as to the purpose of the bombardment. “When the battle opened we were still in corps reserve. The battle started with about 48 hours of hellish bombardment over a front of about 15 miles. That was of course to try and persuade Jerry that he was not likely to know where the heavy push was coming!

  “We were brought into the area where field-guns were being used and we hung about there on the ‘veld’ for a few days. There was a double 18-pounder battery further down the hill in a copse. You’d hear in your sleep, ‘Battery, prepare for action!’ and the gunners running about and calling. Then, ‘Battery, salvo!’ The next minute your head would be blasted off with shells going up the hill about ten feet overhead.”

  *

  Duggie Brice-Bruce was taken unaware by the offensive.

  “We were at Maricourt on 1 July 1916 when the first attack took place during the early morning darkness. When we were woken up it felt as if hell was let loose, light and heavy artillery were putting over a concentrated barrage. It was so intense that you could feel everything vibrating round us; it was really something to see and hear.

  “The whole place was lit up with Very lights of all colours, each colour giving a message, the bursting of shells, continual machine-gun and rifle fire, grenades and the thump of mortars. The artillery stood wheel to wheel. The whole attack was so well co-ordinated and planned that none of us knew anything about it. We of the 9th Div were in readiness in case anything went wrong.”

  *

  Private Thomas Finlayson Heunis, 18, had left school at Willowmore to join the army two years before. He was with the Southern Rifles when Gen Beyers’ body was found alongside the Vaal River in December 1914. Some time earlier Heunis had herded ostriches on his grandfather’s 3,800 morgen farm near Trompetter’s Poort. One afternoon he slept under a bush while the ostriches grazed. He awoke to stare into the eyes of a boomslang, the deadliest snake in Africa, swaying from a branch above him. In a flash he slithered away on his back.

  Heunis was used to the wide outdoors, however he preferred the safety of the old German dug-outs to the shelling. He and his friend, Pte Rudolph Blom, 19, sheltered in a dug-out which was loaded with ammunition. Blom was a 5 ft 6 in painter from Newclare, Johannesburg. He had blue eyes and light brown hair and sported a tattooed woman on his left forearm. Blom had served with the Rand Rifles in SWA before joining the brigade.

/>   Heunis sat on a parapet near the entrance as he was afraid of being buried alive. A shell blew in the trench parapet at the entrance, so he ran out choking and groping his way.

  He met Capt Stephen Liebson, the battalion’s Jewish doctor, who enquired where he was going, Heunis replied “Away from the shelling”. “OK”, laughed Liebson, “Come with me”. Heunis had a tremendous respect for the doctor and regarded him as a very brave man.

  Heunis remembered that among the officers Capt Medlicott was a good man but not a great organiser, Lieut Hirtzel was about 42 years old and a game fighter, Sec-Lieut Ritchie had many medals and Sec-Lieut Guard had been commissioned shortly before the battle. He later became a successful Cape Town businessman.

  *

  Harry Cooper knew that the “Big Push” had started.

  “While lying back in a valley, the whole world seemed to come to an end. To me it seemed that all the guns, large and small, had been assembled in one area — and they were giving it stick. Of course, we were on the safe side of the guns and it was wonderful to see and hear most of what was going on; but we were itching to get in and do something. We heard that one crowd had gone out dribbling footballs, had reached their objective and were holding on. This seemed very good news for we now knew that the promised ‘Big Push’ had started.

  “Later the brigade left this valley and we found ourselves in an area that had been knocked to smithereens. I believe this was called Ginchy (actually Montauban). Then came the big shock. We came across hundreds of bodies lying around, some in heaps and others singly. My stomach seemed to settle after a while and I tried not to see the ghastly mess. We moved farther on. In the distance were a number of woods where occasionally shell fire was coming from the Jerry lines.

  “While taking it easy I noticed a peculiar smell not unlike pineapples and my eyes started to water. Someone yelled ‘Gas’, and did the old ‘PH’ gas helmets come out from the satchels we carried! This was one of the first types of helmet issued. They were in the form of a sack with goggles. They had to be taken from the satchels, placed over the head and the base tucked into the tunic. Speed in doing this counted for everything. And this time the regulation time was beaten hands down.

  “After a while I noticed the men removing the smelly old masks and I tried to get mine off but the darned thing had stuck to my eyebrows. What a job getting it off; a sack over your head and full of chemicals. I had forgotten the vaseline part, ‘to be applied over the eyes’.”

  *

  Dudley Meredith’s first impression of the Somme front-line following the bombardment was unforgettable.

  “From horizon to horizon in front of us lay a broad belt of red earth a veritable desert of death, where all vegetation had been destroyed and the earth churned up by the fury of the shell fire. Tracks through this waste there were, and wounded men and working parties passed up and down, but the first impression remained — a dreadful red belt of death and destruction.

  Our duties here were not arduous — carrying ammunition, keeping ourselves in readiness, in reserve, and an occasional working party was more or less the sum total, while over the horizon in front of us the bombardment of the German front line went on practically without cessation.

  “However, it was while we were in these comparatively quiet trenches that late one afternoon my military career came nearly to a sudden end. Lying on a firestep for a bit of rest, with my face towards the wall of clay, there was suddenly a tremendous explosion and I knew no more. After a second or two I opened my eyes and found I could see my feet, but no movement of my legs, body or arms was possible. The thought at once came to my mind that I was dying, and I thought to myself, “Well, Dudley, you’re finished now — it’s all over”.

  “Just then my mates from either side came into the trench and picked me up. They found no wound or bones broken, and after a few moments I was able to sit up and speak.

  “Lieutenant Baker also came up and asked me how I felt, adding that if I liked I could go back to the transport line and rest for a few days. On my expressing the wish to stay with my mates, he arranged with the sergeant to relieve me of practically all duties until I had recovered from the shock.

  On examining the trench a little later, how narrow my escape had been became apparent. A large shell had fallen right in the trench, at the most seven or eight feet from my head and shoulders, completely blocking the trench. Had it fallen but three feet to the right there could have been no hope for me. As it was my neck and shoulders were bruised and very sore for several days, but otherwise there were no ill effects.

  “The day after we moved into these trenches we were moving about where the old German lines had been, to see what we could see, and here I saw the first dead white man I had seen. He was lying in a shell-hole, without any visible wound, but I surmised he must have died from the effect of high-explosive shell fire, as his face was turning black. This we had heard was the result of high explosive concussion.

  “His name was on his haversack — Private May of the 19th Kings Liverpool Regiment — and as I stood and looked at him I wondered what sort of a man he had been and what he had thought of the war. He had no doubt been in the first wave of the attack and now here he lay — a stiff, slightly swollen and blackened figure — pathetic symbol of the ghastly futility of war.”

  *

  Major Donald Rolfe Hunt, 41, was born in 1875 and educated at Haleybury College, England. His military career began in 1896 when he joined the CMR. In 1899 he was commissioned in the 3rd Norfolks and served through the South African War. He was mentioned in despatches twice and promoted to captain.

  In 1902 Hunt was seconded to the Transvaal Native Affairs department and became Commissioner for Sekukuniland. In 1914 he resigned to serve as a captain of the 2nd Transvaal Scottish in the Rebellion and in SWA.

  Major Hunt kept a personal diary of the Battle of the Somme. It was written before, during and immediately after the Delville Wood battle. Obviously it was written during a time of stress, is terse and generally only the immediate events affecting him are recorded.

  “July 1st — Bivouacking at Grovetown. Clerk and I combine C and D Company officers’ messes. Watched large number of German prisoners brought through the cages. July 2nd — Grovetown. Completed fighting equipment, carrying platoons, etc. Moved to Copse Valley during night and were shelled during night. Moved half company from one side of valley where shells were falling to the other side and thus escaped casualties.

  July 3rd — Moved to Billon Valley where French heavies were and occupied eastern side. Battalion washing and cleaning.

  July 4th — Billon Valley. Some of our fellows playing football with French heavy gunners.

  July 5th — Billon Valley. Moved forward and occupied Glatz Redoubt, Dublin and Casement trenches and built strong points at Glatz and Train. Knocked over but unhurt by shell at corner of Little Wood as C (Coy) moved up.

  July 6th — Heavy rain and discomfort for all. C Company took over Bricqueterie Trench and began digging. Oughterson took over my tin shelter in Casement as I moved up the Dublin. He was killed there by shell a few minutes later. Regimental HQ at corner of Glatz. Colonel (Jones) very cheery and happy.

  July 7th — Consolidating Bricqueterie Trench. Shelled all day. Wet day. Oughterson buried at Mariecourt.

  July 8th — Dublin and Bricqueterie. Working in wet trenches. Shelled all day. Talked with 64th Company, RE, Subaltern Clave ring about guinea-fowl shooting in Sekukuniland. Fine, quick piece of wiring by C Company beyond road in front of Bricqueterie Trench. The French established mortars behind Dublin and shelled and attacked Faviere Wood on our right. A French soldier gave me a drink of ration wine from his water bottle. French soldiers fine big fellows. A few Germans came from Faviere Wood and surrendered to Farrell of A Coy. Old Farrell very cheery.”

  *

  Arthur Betteridge was overawed by the scale of the “Big Push”.

  “On June 23 we moved to Corbie by train, accommodated in the in
evitable horse trucks, from there marched a few miles to Welcome Wood where the dull roar of guns turned to thunder, making it difficult to hold a conversation. There was no letting up, the roar was continuous. In Happy Valley, about three miles from the line the ground literally shook. It was surprising anyone could sleep even for short periods in these conditions.

  “There were untold dumps of ammunition concealed in every imaginable place. Huge heavy guns were pulled into position by tractors, field artillery mingled on the roads with heavy six-inch guns. None of us had believed so many guns existed. Day and night the earth vibrated. We were told in the ten days’ preparatory bombardment on this front alone, twice as many shells were fired than the total used in three years of the South African War. It was quite understandable from the din we lived in for those few days before the attack; the roar and rumble of this incredible show of hate was heard more than fifty miles away.

  “Some of our officers were taken to the front line at Maricourt where the sound of the bombardment was positively deafening. Never before in history had there been such a concentration of guns in so small an area. It seemed nothing could remain of the German lines after such deadly bombardment. Photographs of the front line taken from the air supported that assumption.

  “It can be imagined how vast the administrative problems were to even move nearly half a million men, keep them supplied and accommodated in so small an area. Field-gun batteries were stationed almost wheel to wheel in preparation for the advance when they would be required to take up positions beyond the original front lines.

  “Our first experience of German cunning was the German Prussian helmets, which were always regarded as trophies. Some of these were found in dug-outs attached to booby traps. Even some of the wardrobes were fitted with attachments to deadly bombs. One of our sergeants was killed as he entered a dug-out and picked up some trophy. Obviously the Hun had anticipated our arrival and laid innumerable traps for our men; as a result of these experiences we were warned not to touch anything in dug-outs until engineers had inspected the places for booby traps.