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The Glorious Revolution

Page 36

by Edward Vallance


  4 Quoted in W. A. Speck, ‘Mary II’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004).

  5 C. Rose, England in the 1690s (Oxford, 1999), p. 38.

  6 Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts, p. 217.

  7 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 2. It is interesting to note that Jacobites sought to portray William as the passive partner in these alleged relationships.

  8 My discussion of William’s attributes is based on T. Claydon, William III: Profiles in Power (Basingstoke, 2002); idem, ‘William III’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Rose, England in the 1690s, ch. 1; S. B. Baxter, William III (London, 1966).

  9 Quoted in Speck, ‘Mary II’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

  10 M. Waller, Ungrateful Daughters: The Stuart Princesses Who Stole Their Father’s Crown (London, 2002), p. 114.

  11 Ibid., p. 116.

  12 L. G. Schwoerer, ‘Images of Queen Mary II, 1689–95’, Renaissance Quarterly, 42 (1989), pp. 717–48, 730.

  13 W. A. Speck, ‘Mary II’.

  14 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 44.

  15 Schwoerer, ‘Images of Queen Mary II, 1689–95’, p. 717.

  16 Speck, ‘Mary II’.

  17 Ibid.

  18 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 41.

  19 Ibid., p. 42.

  20 This assessment of Mary is indebted to W. A. Speck’s article in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography; Schwoerer, ‘Images of Queen Mary II, 1689–95’; Rose, England in the 1690s, ch. 1.

  21 Rose, England in the 1690s, pp. 73–4.

  22 Ibid., p. 73.

  23 Ibid., p. 81.

  24 D. Szechi, ‘The Jacobite Revolution Settlement, 1689–1696’, English Historical Review, 108 (1993), pp. 610–28.

  25 On the party politics of the 1690s see Rose, England in the 1690s, ch. 3; Claydon, William III, ch. 4; D. Rubini, Court and Country 1688–1702 (London, 1967); H. Horwitz, Revolution Politicks: The Career of Daniel Finch, Second Earl of Nottingham (Cambridge, 1968); idem, Parliament, Policy and Politics in the Reign of William III (Manchester, 1977); R. D. McJimsey, ‘A Country Divided? English Politics and the Nine Years War’, Albion, 23 (1991), pp. 61–74.

  26 ‘London in 1689–90 by the Rev. R. Kirk’, trans. D. Maclean, Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, n.s., VII (1937), p. 313.

  27 Claydon, William III, p. 100.

  28 Ibid., p. 102.

  29 Axminster Ecclesiastica, pp. 141–2.

  30 V. Barrie, ‘The Church of England in London in the Eighteenth-Century’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 107 (2001), pp. 211–21, at p. 218.

  31 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 107.

  32 Axminster Ecclesiastica, p. 146.

  33 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 110.

  34 For the engagements at Beachy Head, Barfleur, La Hogue (or La Hougue) see J. Guttman, ‘Battlers Becalmed’, Military History, 7 (1991), pp. 38–44; N. Thornton, ‘Guarding the Glorious Revolution’, Quarterly Journal of Military History, 13 (2001), pp. 78–86; P. Villiers, ‘Victoire de Barfleur ou Defaite de la Hougue: 29 Mai–2 Juin 1692’, Revue du Nord, 74 (1992), pp. 53–72; E. Taillemaite, ‘Un Conflict Vauban-Louvois’, Histoire, Economie et Société, 15 (1996), pp. 113–15.

  35 Ambrose Barnes, Memoirs of the Life of Mr Ambrose Barnes, ed. W. H. D. Longstaffe (Surtees Society, 50, 1867), p. 225.

  36 On the Nine Years War see J. Childs, The Nine Years War and the British Army, 1688– 1697: The Operations in the Low Countries (Manchester, 1991).

  37 J. Childs, ‘Fortune and War’, History Today, 53 (2003), pp. 51–5.

  38 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 220.

  39 Ibid., p. 197.

  40 Ibid., p. 198. On providential discourse in this period, see Rose, England in the 1690s, ch. 6; idem, ‘Providence, Protestant Union and the Godly Reformation in the 1690s’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3 (1993), pp. 151–69; T. Claydon, William III and the Godly Revolution (Cambridge, 1996).

  41 Hoppit, p. 225.

  42 Ibid., pp. 214–15.

  43 T. Isaacs, ‘The Anglican Hierarchy and the Reformation of Manners 1688–1738’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 33 (1982) pp. 391–411.

  44 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 204.

  45 On the Societies see ibid., ch. 6; Isaacs, ‘Anglican Hierarchy’; Jennine Hurl-Eamon, ‘Policing Male Heterosexuality: The Reformation of Manners Societies’ Campaign Against the Brothels in Westminster, 1690–1720’, Journal of Social History, vol. 37, no. 4 (2004), pp. 1017–35; R. B. Shoemaker, Prosecution and Punishment: Petty Crime and the Law in London and Rural Middlesex, c. 1660–1725 (Cambridge, 1991); D. W. R. Bahlman, The Moral Revolution of 1688 (New Haven, 1957); E. G. Rupp, Religion in England 1688–1971 (Oxford, 1986); J. Spurr, ‘The Church, the societies and moral revolution in England, 1688’, in J. Walsh, C. Haydon and S. Taylor (eds.), The Church of England c. 1688–c.1833: from Toleration to Tractarianism (Cambridge, 1992); T. C. Curtis and W. A. Speck, ‘The Societies for the Reformation of Manners: A Case Study in the Theory and Practice of Moral Reform’, Literature and History, 3 (1976), pp. 45–64; S. H. Gregg ‘“A Truly Christian Hero”: Religion, Effeminacy and Nation in the Writings of the Societies for Reformation of Manners’, Eighteenth-Century Life, 25 (2001), pp. 17–28.

  46 J. Woodward, Religious Societies (Dr Woodward’s ‘Account’), ed. D. E. Jenkins (Liverpool, 1935), p. 53.

  47 Isaacs, p. 403.

  48 Quoted in Speck, ‘Mary II’, ODNB.

  49 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 207.

  50 Ibid., p. 209.

  51 Isaacs, p. 401.

  52 Woodward, p. 69.

  53 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 202.

  54 [J. Dunton], The Night-walker, ed. G. Stevens Cox (Guernsey, 1970), p. 1.

  55 Ibid., p. 3.

  56 Ibid., pp. 17–18.

  57 Ibid., p. 16.

  58 An Account of the Proceedings against Captain Edward Rigby (London, 1698). This single-sheet account of the case can be found on Rictor Norton’s excellent on-line sourcebook on homosexuality in eighteenth-century England, http://www.infopt.demon.co.uk/eighteen.htm.

  59 Dunton, The Night-walker, pp. 13, 15.

  60 Shoemaker, Prosecution and Punishment, pp. 250–1.

  61 Hurl-Eamon, ‘Policing Male Heterosexuality’, pp. 1021–3.

  62 Ibid., pp. 1025–6.

  63 Shoemaker, Prosecution and Punishment, p. 241.

  64 Woodward, Religious Societies, p. 52.

  65 Ibid., p. 56.

  66 Shoemaker, Prosecution and Punishment, pp. 261–2.

  67 Quoted in Speck, ‘Mary II’, ODNB.

  68 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 43.

  9 WILLIAM ALONE

  1 T. Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts: Party Conflict in a Divided Society 1660–1715 (London, 1993), p. 218.

  2 Ibid., p. 153.

  3 Harris, Politics under the Later Stuarts, p. 156.

  4 Hoppit, p. 153.

  5 C. Rose, England in the 1690s (Oxford, 1999), p. 52.

  6 C.J., vol. xi, p. 470.

  7 D. Cressy, ‘Literacy in 17th Century England, More Evidence’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, viii (1977), pp. 141–50, at p. 144; J. S. W. Gibson, The Hearth Tax, Other Later Stuart Tax Lists and the Association Oath Rolls (Federation of Family History Society Publications, 1985).

  8 The Parliamentary Diary of Sir Richard Cocks, ed. D. Hayton (Oxford, 1996), p. 36.

  9 ‘Association Oath Rolls for Wiltshire’, ed. L. J. Acton Pile, Wiltshire Notes and Queries, vi (1908–10), pp. 197–201, at 198. On the plot see J. Garrett, The Triumphs of Providence, the Assassination Plot, 1696 (Cambridge, 1980).

  10 D. Cressy, ‘Binding the Nation: the Bonds of Association, 1584–1696’, in Tudor Rule and Revolution, Essays for G. R. Elton from his American Friends, ed. D. J. Guth and J. W. McKenna (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 211–37, at p.228.

  11 Ibid., p. 230, states that eighty-six JPs and 104 Deputy Lieutenants lost t
heir posts for failing to subscribe or failing to do so quickly enough.

  12 Ibid., p. 66.

  13 PRO C213/204.

  14 N. Brady, A Sermon Preached at St Catherine Cree Church (1696), pp. 22–3.

  15 A., S., God glorified, and the wicked snared (1696), p. 21.

  16 William Stephens, A thanksgiving sermon preach’d before the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, Court of Aldermen, sheriffs, and companies of the city of London at St Mary-le-bow, April 16, 1696, upon occasion of His Majesty’s deliverence from a villanous assassination in order to a French invasion (1696), the Dedication. See also T. Dorrington, The Honour due to the Civil Magistrate (1696); Peter Newcome, A sermon preached in the parish church of Aldenham (1696).

  17 Cressy, ‘Binding the Nation’, p. 231.

  18 PRO C213/213.

  19 PRO C213/263B.

  20 PRO C213/201.

  21 PRO C213/191.

  22 PRO C213/208.

  23 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Various MSS, viii (London, 1913), p. 81.

  24 D. Rubini, Court and Country 1688–1702 (London, 1967), p. 66.

  25 The Association Oath Rolls of the British Plantations, ed. W. Gandy (London, 1922), pp. 60, 67.

  26 PRO C213/301.

  27 PRO C213/196.

  28 Ibid., pp. 328, 330. Steve Pincus, in his forthcoming book on the Revolution of 1688–89, has found MS sources indicating great interest among Catholics to associate, including lobbying foreign diplomats to beg Secretary Somers to allow them to present separate Catholic lists.

  29 C213/181 pt. 5; /121 f. 90, 105; /251; /264 pt 8; /152; Lancashire Association, ed. Gandy, p. 85.

  30 PRO C213/170b; for similar returns see C213/264 pt 1.

  31 M. Geiter, ‘Affirmation, Assassination and Association’; idem, ‘William Penn and Jacobitism: A Smoking Gun?’, Historical Research, LXXIII, 181 (2000), pp. 213–19.

  32 Geiter, ‘Affirmation, Assassination and Association’, p. 277, 281. See also M. Goldie, ‘James II and the Dissenters Revenge: The Commission of Enquiry 1688’, Historical Research, LXVI (1993), pp. 53–88.

  33 C213/2, ff. 3v, 4v, 7v, 9.

  34 C213/129. Edward Browne, another Kent minister, would only take the oath in ‘the sense of my Diocesan, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.’ See also C213/152 pt 4 for the subscription of Robert Ivory, vicar of Hoston parish, Middlesex: ‘In ye sense I understand this association, and as farr as it concerns me, I subscribe it.’

  35 C213/420.

  36 C213/402; /417[same roll as Stafford clergy]/419/430/431/448/452.

  37 C213/404.

  38 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Fitzherbert MSS (London, 1893), pp. 38–9.

  39 NRO, NCR 16 d/8, fos. 200v-1. In the end two association oath rolls were produced for the city, with another headed by the Mayor, Nicholas Bickerdike, following the Association’s original wording, NRO, NCR 13d/1. I thank Mark Knights for pointing me to these references.

  40 Rubini, p. 66.

  41 H. Prideaux, Letter to J. Ellis, Under-Secretary of State, 1674–1722, ed., E. M. Thompsom (Camden Soc, new series, 15, 1875), p. 174.

  42 The Axminster Ecclesiastica 1660–1698, ed. K. W. H. Howard (Sheffield, 1976), p. 156.

  43 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 136.

  44 Ibid., p. 137.

  45 Ibid., p. 138.

  46 Ibid., p. 139.

  47 Ibid., p. 140. The evidence from the Axminster Ecclesiastica somewhat contradicts this picture, noting that many looked to blame the King for their misfortunes, though it concluded that in this ‘few that spake aright, few that lamentingly say “What have I done?”’, p. 157.

  48 Kenyon, Sunderland, p. 297.

  49 Hoppit, p. 157.

  50 The initial plan was that Kidd would defeat the pirates and seize their treasure, which would then be sold and the profits divided among the investors, including the ‘hidden partners’, Shrewsbury, Orford and Somers. Kidd, however, attacked shipping, including an East India Company vessel, that was clearly outside of his commission and also murdered a shipmate after mutinous rumblings among his crew. Kidd was eventually arrested in New York and transported back to England. He was hanged (after two attempts – the first rope broke) at Execution Wharf in Wapping on 23 May 1701. A very nice pub, the Captain Kidd, now marks this spot.

  51 Rose, England in the 1690s, p. 59.

  52 Hoppit, p. 162.

  CONCLUSION: THE END OF THE LINE

  1 Ambrose Barnes, Memoirs of the Life of Mr Ambrose Barnes, ed. W. H. D. Longstaffe (Surtees Society, 50, 1867), p. 224.

  2 J. Hoppit, A Land of Liberty? England, 1689–1727 (Oxford, 2000), p. 164.

  3 P. 239.

  4 Pp. 449–50. Of course, James II fared little better. Edward Baldwin’s The History of England for the Use of Schools described the King as ‘a gloomy bigot; he was very fit for a monk, but had no notion how to govern a kingdom’.

  5 G. M. Trevelyan, The History of England (3rd edn., 1945), p. 472.

  6 Similarly, immediately after the Revolution, the argument that William had acquired his title by conquest was officially suppressed by the government, as both the Crown and its ministers, for a variety of reasons, sought to emphasise the autonomy of the English political actors in events. Despite the fact that in 1689 Gilbert Burnet had asserted William’s right to the throne via lawful conquest, in 1693 the Tory Edmund Bohun was publicly censured and stripped of his office as licenser of the press by Parliament for permitting the publication of Charles Blount’s pamphlet King William and Queen Mary Conquerors; G. Burnet, A Pastoral Letter (1689), p. 21; J. P. Kenyon, Revolution Principles (Cambridge, 1977), p. 31.

  7 The Times, 6 November 1888, p. 9. The statue was unveiled a year later and still stands on Victoria Embankment, Brixham. My thanks to Dr Philip Armitage of the Brixham Heritage Museum for this information and the postcard of the statue.

  8 W. A. Speck, James II (Basingstoke, 2002), p. 145.

  9 On Higden see my Oxford Dictionary of National Biography article and my ‘The Decline of Conscience as a Political Guide: William Higden’s View of the English Constitution (1709)’, in H. E. Braun and E. Vallance (eds.), Contexts of Conscience in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1700 (2004), ch. 6.

  10 E. Gregg, Queen Anne (London, 1980), p. 308.

  11 Ibid., p. 322.

  12 Hoppit, p. 311.

  13 Ibid., p. 393. Hoppit suggests that the actual reason for this rioting may have been disatisfaction with the Whig party’s attempts to reverse the democratic advances after the Revolution and create one party rule in its place.

  14 Ibid., p. 395.

  15 E. Gregg, ‘James Francis Stuart’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004).

  16 On ‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’, the ’45 and Culloden see F. J. McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart: A Tragedy in Many Acts (London, 1988); idem, The Jacobite Army in England (Edinburgh, 1983); W. A. Speck, The Butcher: The Duke of Cumberland and the Suppression of the ’45 (Oxford, 1981); E. Cruickshanks, Political Untouchables: The Tories and the ’45 (London, 1979).

  17 On the exiled Stuarts’ continued practice of dispensing the royal touch, see M. Bloch, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. J. E. Anderson (London, 1973), pp. 221–2.

  18 The brothers Charles Manning Allen and John Carter Allen claimed to be the legitimate sons of Prince Charles, who had been fostered by their father, Thomas Gatehouse Allen, a lieutenant in the navy. The Allens were also leading figures in the Victorian revival and reinvention of Highland culture.

  19 On the preaching effort see F. Deconinck-Brossard, ‘The Churches and the “’45”’, in The Church and War, Studies in Church History, 20 (1983)

  20 The Gentleman’s Magazine For September (1745), p. 483.

  21 The Times, 5 September 1984.

  22 D. Szechi, ‘Mythistory versus History: The Fading of the Revolution of 1688’, The Historical Journal, 33 (1990), p. 150.

  23 On this see J. L. Malcolm, To Keep and Bear Arms: The
Origins of an Anglo-American Right (Cambridge, Mass., 1994). On the impact of the Glorious Revolution in the Americas see R. S. Dunn, ‘The Glorious Revolution and America’, in The Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol 1. The Origins of Empire, ed. N. Canny (Oxford, 1998), pp. 445–67; D. S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (New York, 1972); J. M. Sosin, English America and the Revolution of 1688 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1982); S. S. Webb, Lord Churchill’s Coup: The Anglo-American Empire and the Glorious Revolution Reconsidered (New York, 1995).

  24 The exact relationship between British industrialisation and the slave trade remains historically contested, but it is hard to argue that slave labour and the profits of human traffic did not play a significant part in Britain’s economic growth in the eighteenth century. See E. Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill, 1944) for the classic Marxist thesis, recently reaffirmed by J. E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England (Cambridge, 2002).

  25 This point was made by Professor John Morrill in his recent Aylmer Memorial Lecture, ‘Rethinking Revolution in Seventeenth-Century Britain’.

  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

  I would like to thank a number of people who offered me help and advice while I was writing this book. First, I must thank Tim Whiting at Little, Brown for taking on the project and offering such good editorial advice as the writing progressed. Bill Hamilton of A. M. Heath and Company made some valuable suggestions when I was struggling to think how to begin and end my story. Mark Knights, Steven Pincus, Justin Champion, Philip Armitage and Matthew McCormack were all very generous in providing me with information and references at various points. Martin O’Neill checked my Marx. The staff of the British Library, the National Archives, Kew, and the Special Collections department of the Sydney Jones Library, University of Liverpool, gave a great deal of help. As a work of synthesis, this book could not have been written without the efforts of previous scholars of the Glorious Revolution. Further acknowledgements are given in the footnotes but I am particularly indebted to the work of Robert Beddard, Tony Claydon, Tim Harris, Alan Marshall, Craig Rose, Lois Schwoerer, Julian Hoppit, Barbara and Henri Van der Zee, John Spurr, Jonathan Israel, W. A. Speck, J. P. Kenyon, John Miller, David Ogg, T. B. Macaulay and Robin Clifton. I would also like to thank Professor Hoppit, Dr Beddard and Michael Arditti for pointing out some errors that crept into the original edition of this book. Any remaining errors in the text, are, of course, solely the result of authorial incompetence.

 

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