The Dual Text
The Delphic Tholos, Greece — on the advice of the Delphic oracle, following his banishment, Dio put on the clothes of a beggar and with nothing in his pocket except for a copy of Plato’s ‘Phaedo’ and Demosthenes’ oration ‘On the Embassy’, he lived the life of a Cynic philosopher, undertaking a journey to the countries in the north and east of the Roman Empire.
THE DUAL GREEK AND ENGLISH TEXT
Translated by J. W. Cohoon
In this section, readers can view a section by section text of Dio’s Discourses, alternating between the original Greek and Cohoon’s English translation.
CONTENTS
THE FIRST DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
THE SECOND DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
THE THIRD DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
THE FOURTH DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
THE FIFTH DISCOURSE: A LIBYAN MYTH
THE SIXTH DISCOURSE: DIOGENES, OR ON TYRANNY
THE SEVENTH OR EUBOEAN DISCOURSE
THE EIGHTH DISCOURSE, ON VIRTUE
THE NINTH OR ISTHMIAN DISCOURSE
THE TENTH DISCOURSE: DIOGENES OR ON SERVANTS
THE ELEVENTH DISCOURSE MAINTAINING THAT TROY WAS NOT CAPTURED
THE TWELFTH OR OLYMPIC DISCOURSE: OR, ON MAN’S FIRST CONCEPTION OF GOD
THE THIRTEENTH DISCOURSE: IN ATHENS, ABOUT HIS BANISHMENT
THE FOURTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON SLAVERY AND FREEDOM I
THE FIFTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON SLAVERY AND FREEDOM II
THE SIXTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON PAIN AND DISTRESS OF SPIRIT
THE SEVENTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON COVETOUSNESS
THE EIGHTEENTH DISCOURSE: ON TRAINING FOR PUBLIC SPEAKING
THE NINETEENTH DISCOURSE: ON THE AUTHOR’S FONDNESS FOR LISTENING TO MUSIC, THE DRAMA, AND ORATORY
THE TWENTIETH DISCOURSE: ON RETIREMENT
THE TWENTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: ON BEAUTY
THE TWENTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: CONCERNING PEACE AND WAR
THE TWENTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: THAT THE WISE MAN IS FORTUNATE AND HAPPY
THE TWENTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON HAPPINESS
THE TWENTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON THE GUIDING (OR GUARDIAN) SPIRIT
THE TWENTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON DELIBERATION
THE TWENTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: A SHORT TALK ON WHAT TAKES PLACE AT A SYMPOSIUM
THE TWENTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: MELANCOMAS II
THE TWENTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: MELANCOMAS I
THE THIRTIETH DISCOURSE: CHARIDEMUS
THE THIRTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: THE RHODIAN ORATION
THE THIRTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: TO THE PEOPLE OF ALEXANDRIA
THE THIRTY-THIRD, OR FIRST TARSIC, DISCOURSE
THE THIRTY-FOURTH, OR SECOND TARSIC, DISCOURSE
THE THIRTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE, DELIVERED IN CELAENAE IN PHRYGIA
THE THIRTY-SIXTH, OR BORYSTHENITIC, DISCOURSE WHICH DIO DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE LAND
THE THIRTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: THE CORINTHIAN ORATION
THE THIRTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: TO THE NICOMEDIANS ON CONCORD WITH THE NICAEANS
THE THIRTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON CONCORD IN NICAEA UPON THE CESSATION OF CIVIL STRIFE
THE FORTIETH DISCOURSE: DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE CITY ON CONCORD WITH THE APAMEIANS
THE FORTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: TO THE APAMEIANS ON CONCORD
THE FORTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: AN ADDRESS IN HIS NATIVE CITY
THE FORTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL ADDRESS IN HIS NATIVE CITY
THE FORTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: AN ADDRESS OF FRIENDSHIP FOR HIS NATIVE LAND ON ITS PROPOSING HONOURS FOR HIM
THE FORTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: IN DEFENCE OF HIS RELATIONS WITH HIS NATIVE CITY
THE FORTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: DELIVERED IN HIS NATIVE CITY PRIOR TO HIS PHILOSOPHICAL CAREER
THE FORTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: A SPEECH IN THE PUBLIC ASSEMBLY AT PRUSA
THE FORTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL ADDRESS IN ASSEMBLY
THE FORTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: A REFUSAL OF THE OFFICE OF ARCHON DELIVERED BEFORE THE COUNCIL
THE FIFTIETH DISCOURSE: REGARDING HIS PAST RECORD, SPOKEN BEFORE THE COUNCIL
THE FIFTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: IN REPLY TO DIODORUS
THE FIFTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON AESCHYLUS AND SOPHOCLES AND EURIPIDES OR THE BOW OF PHILOCTETES
THE FIFTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON HOMER
THE FIFTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON SOCRATES
THE FIFTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON HOMER AND SOCRATES
THE FIFTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: AGAMEMNON OR ON KINGSHIP
THE FIFTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: NESTOR
THE FIFTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ACHILLES
THE FIFTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: PHILOCTETES
THE SIXTIETH DISCOURSE: NESSUS OR DEÏANEIRA
THE SIXTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: CHRYSEÏS
THE SIXTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON KINGSHIP AND TYRANNY
THE SIXTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (I)
THE SIXTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (II)
THE SIXTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON FORTUNE (III)
THE SIXTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON REPUTATION
THE SIXTY-SEVENTH DISCOURSE: ON POPULAR OPINION
THE SIXTY-EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ON OPINION
THE SIXTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON VIRTUE
THE SEVENTIETH DISCOURSE: ON PHILOSOPHY
THE SEVENTY-FIRST DISCOURSE: ON THE PHILOSOPHER
THE SEVENTY-SECOND DISCOURSE: ON PERSONAL APPEARANCE
THE SEVENTY-THIRD DISCOURSE: ON TRUST
THE SEVENTY-FOURTH DISCOURSE: ON DISTRUST
THE SEVENTY-FIFTH DISCOURSE: ON LAW
THE SEVENTY-SIXTH DISCOURSE: ON CUSTOM
THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH/EIGHTH DISCOURSE: ON ENVY
THE SEVENTY-NINTH DISCOURSE: ON WEALTH
THE EIGHTIETH DISCOURSE: ON FREEDOM
THE FIRST DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
περὶ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ α.
THE FIRST DISCOURSE ON KINGSHIP
The first Discourse as well as the following three has for its subject Kingship, and from internal evidence is thought to have been first delivered before Trajan in Rome immediately after he became emperor. At any rate Dio does not address the Emperor in those terms of intimacy that he uses in the third Discourse.
Dio’s conception of the true king is influenced greatly by Homer and Plato. The true king fears the gods and watches over his subjects even as Zeus, the supreme god, watches over all mankind. At the end is a description of the choice made by Heracles, who is the great model of the Cynics.
[1] φασί ποτε Ἀλεξἀνδρῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν αὐλητὴν Τιμόθεον τὸ πρῶτον ἐπιδεικνύμενον αὐλῆσαι κατὰ τὸν ἐκείνου τρόπον μάλα ἐμπείρως καὶ μουσικῶς, οὐ μαλακὸν αὔλημα οὐδὲ ἀναβεβλημένον οὐδὲ τῶν πρὸς ἄνεσιν καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαν ἀγόντων, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν οἶμαι τὸν ὄρθιον τὸν τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἐπικαλούμενον νόμον.
The First Discourse on Kingship
The story goes that when the flute-player Timotheus gave his first exhibition before King Alexander, he showed great musical skill in adapting his playing to the king’s character by selecting a piece that was not languishing or slow nor of the kind that would cause relaxation or listlessness, but rather, I fancy, the ringing strain which bears Athena’s name and none other.
[2] καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον εὐθὺς ἀναπηδῆσαι πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς ἐνθέοις ὁμοίως: οὕτω σφόδρα ἐπαρθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ μέλους τῆς μουσικῆς καὶ τοῦ ῥυθμοῦ τῆς αὐλήσεως. τὸ δὲ τούτου αἴτιον οὐχ οὕτως ἡ τῆς μουσικῆς δύναμις ὡς ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως διάνοια σύντονος οὖσα καὶ θυμοειδής:
[2] They say, too, that Alexander at once bounded to his feet and ran for his arms like one possessed, such was the exaltation produced in him by the tones of the music and the rhythmic beat of the rendering. The reason why he was so affected was not
so much the power of the music as the temperament of the king, which was high-strung and passionate.
[3] ἐπεὶ Σαρδανάπαλλον οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἤγειρεν ἐκ τοῦ θαλάμου καὶ παρὰ τῶν γυναικῶν οὐχ ὅπως Τιμόθεος ἤ ἄλλος τις τῶν νεωτέρων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Μαρσύας αὐτὸς ἤ Ὄλυμπος: δοκεῖ δ᾽ ἔμοιγε μηδὲ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς, εἰ δυνατὸν, διεξιούσης τὸν αὑτῆς νόμον ἅψασθαί ποτ᾽ ἄν ὅπλων ἐκεῖνος, πολὺ δ᾽ ἂν πρότερον ὀρχήσασθαι ἀναστὰς ἢ φυγεῖν: οὕτως ἀθλίως εἶχεν ὑπὸ ἐξουσίας καὶ τρυφῆς.
[3] Sardanapallus, for example, would never have been aroused to leave his chamber and the company of his women even by Marsyas himself or by Olympus, much less by Timotheus or any other of the later artists; nay, I believe that had even Athena herself — were such a thing possible — performed for him her own measure, that king would never have laid hand to arms, but would have been much more likely to leap up and dance a fling or else take to his heels; to so depraved a condition had unlimited power and indulgence brought him.
[4] οὐκοῦν καὶ ἡμᾶς εἰκός ἐστι μὴ χείρους ἀνδρὸς αὐλητοῦ γενέσθαι περὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔργον, μηδὲ ἧττον ἀνδρείους καὶ μεγαλόφρονας εὑρεῖν λόγους τῶν ἐκείνου κρουμάτων,
[4] In like manner it may fairly be demanded of me that I should show myself as skilful in my province as a master flautist may be in his, and that I should find words which shall be no whit less potent than his notes to inspire courage and high-mindedness —
[5] ἔτι δὲ μὴ ἕνα τρόπον ἡρμοσμένους, ἀλλὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς σφοδρούς τε καὶ πρᾴους καὶ πολεμικοὺς ἅμα καὶ εἰρηνικοὺς καὶ νομίμους καὶ τῷ ὄντι βασιλικούς, ἅτε οἶμαι πρὸς ἀνδρεῖον βουλόμενον εἶναι καὶ νόμιμον ἡγεμόνα, πολλοῦ μὲν δεόμενον θάρσους, πολλῆς δὲ καὶ ἐπιεικείας.
[5] words, moreover, not set to a single mood but at once vigorous and gentle, challenging to war yet also speaking of peace, obedience to law, and true kingliness, inasmuch as they are addressed to one who is disposed, methinks, to be not only a brave but also a law-abiding ruler, one who needs not only high courage but high sense of right also.
[6] ὁ γοῦν Τιμόθεος, εἰ καθάπερ πολεμικόν τινα διελθεῖν ᾔδει νόμον, οὕτως ἠπίστατο αὔλημα δικαίαν καὶ φρόνιμον καὶ σώφρονα τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον δυνάμενον παρασχεῖν, [p. 2] μὴ πρὸς ὅπλα ὁρμῶσαν μόνον, ἀλλὰ ἐπί τε εἰρήνην καὶ ὁμόνοιαν καὶ θεῶν τιμὰς καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἐπιμέλειαν, τοῦ παντὸς ἂν ἦν ἄξιος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παρεῖναί τε καὶ ἐπαυλεῖν, οὐ θύοντι μόνον,
[6] If, for instance, the skill which Timotheus possessed in performing a warlike strain had been matched by the knowledge of such a composition as could make the soul just and prudent and temperate and humane, and could arouse a man not merely to take up arms but also to follow peace and concord, to honour the gods and to have consideration for men, it would have been a priceless boon to Alexander to have that man live with him as a companion, and to play for him, not only when he sacrificed but at other times also:
[7] ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλως, ὁπότε ἢ πενθῶν ἀκρίτως τύχοι παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ πρέπον ἤ κολάζων πικρότερον τοῦ νομίμου καὶ ἐπιεικοῦς ἢ χαλεπαίνωντοῖς αὑτοῦ φίλοις τε καὶ ἑταίροις ἢ ὑπερορῶν τοὺς θνητούς τε καὶ ἀληθεῖς γονέας.
[7] when, for example, he would give way to unreasoning grief regardless of propriety and decorum, or would punish more severely than custom or fairness allowed, or would rage fiercely at his own friends and comrades or disdain his mortal and real parents.
[8] ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ πᾶσαν ἴασιν οὐδὲ ὠφέλειαν ὁλόκληρον ἠθῶν ἱκανὴ παρασχεῖν ἡ μουσικῆς ἐπιστήμη τε καὶ ἕξις: οὐ γὰρ οὖν, ὥς φησιν ὁ ποιητής,
οὐδ᾽ Ἀσκληπιάδαις τοῦτό γ᾽ ἔδωκε θεός:
μόνος δὲ ὁ τῶν φρονίμων τε καὶ σοφῶν λόγος, οἷοι γεγόνασιν οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν πρότερον, ἀνενδεὴς καὶ τέλειος ἡγεμὼν καὶ βοηθὸς εὐπειθοῦς καὶ ἀγαθῆς φύσεως, πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν παραμυθούμενός τε καὶ ἄγων ἐμμελῶς.
[8] But unfortunately, skill and proficiency in music cannot provide perfect healing and complete relief for defect of character. No indeed! To quote the poet:
“E’en to Asclepius’ sons granted not god this boon.”
Nay, it is only the spoken word of the wise and prudent, such as were most men of earlier times, that can prove a competent and perfect guide and helper of a man endowed with a tractable and virtuous nature, and can lead it toward all excellence by fitting encouragement and direction.
[9] τίς ἂν οὖν πρέπουσα καὶ ἀξία φανείη διατριβὴ τῆς σῆς προθυμίας,καὶ πόθεν ἂν εὕροιμεν ἡμεῖς τέλειον οὕτω λόγον, ἄνδρες ἀλῆται καὶ αὐτουργοὶ τῆς σοφίας, πόνοις τε καὶ ἔργοις ὅσον δυνάμεθα χαίροντες τὰ πολλά, τοὺς δ᾽ αὖ λόγους παρακλήσεως ἕνεκεν φθεγγόμενοι πρὸς αὑτοὺς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀεὶ τὸν ἐντυγχάνοντα; ὥσπερ οἱ κινοῦντες καὶ μεταφέροντες οὐκ εὔφορον βάρος φθέγγονταί τε καὶᾄδουσιν ἡσυχῇ τὸ ἔργον παραμυθούμενοι, ἐργάται ὄντες, οὐκ ᾠδοί τινες οὐδὲ ποιηταὶ μελῶν.
[9] What subject, then, will clearly be appropriate and worthy of a man of your earnestness, and where shall I find words so nearly perfect, mere wanderer that I am and self-taught philosopher, who find what happiness I can in toil and labour for the most part and employ eloquence only for the encouragement of myself and such others as I meet from time to time? My case is like that of men who in moving or shifting a heavy load beguile their labour by softly chanting or singing a tune — mere toilers that they are and not bards or poets of song.
[10] πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν λόγοι καὶ πάντες ἀκοῆς ἄξιοι καὶ θαυμαστὴν ὠφέλειαν ἔχοντες τοῖς μὴ παρέργως ἀκροωμένοις: ἀλλὰ δεῖ τὸν ἐγγύς τε καὶ μάλιστα ἁψόμενον ἀνευρόντας καὶ παρακαλέσαντας Πειθώ τε καὶ Μούσας καὶ Ἀπόλλωναὡς δυνατὸν προθύμως διελθεῖν.
[10] Many, however, are the themes of philosophy, and all are worth hearing and marvellously profitable for any who listen with more than casual attention; but since we have found as our hearer one who is near at hand and ready eagerly to grasp our words, we must summon to our aid Persuasion, the Muses, and Apollo, and pursue our task with the greatest possible devotion.
[11] φέρε εἴπωμεν τά τε ἤθη καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν τοῦ χρηστοῦ βασιλέως, ἐν βραχεῖ περιλαμβάνοντες ὡς ἔνεστιν,
ᾧ ἔδωκε Κρόνου παῖς ἀγκυλομήτεω
σκῆπτρόν τ᾽ ἠδὲ
θέμιστας, ἵνα σφίσι βουλεύῃσιν.
[11] Let me state, then, what are the characteristics and disposition of the ideal king, summarizing them as briefly as possible — the king
“to whom the son
Of Saturn gives the sceptre, making him
The lawgiver, that he may rule the rest.”
[12] πάνυ γὰρ οὖν καλῶς σὺν ἄλλοις πλείοσιν Ὅμηρος, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, καὶ τοῦτο ἔφη, ὡς οὐχ ἅπαντας παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς ἔχοντας τὸ σκῆπτρον [p. 3] οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ταύτην, ἀλλὰ μόνον τὸν ἀγαθόν, οὐδὲ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις τισὶ δικαίοις ἤ τῷ βουλεύεσθαι καὶ φροντίζειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρχομένων,
[12] Now it seems to me that Homer was quite right in this as in many other sayings, for it implies that not every king derives his sceptre or this royal office from Zeus, but only the good king, and that he receives it on no other title than that he shall plan and study the welfare of his subjects; he is not to become licentious or profligate,
[13] οὐχ ὥστε ἀκολασταίνειν καὶ σπαθᾶν, ἀνοίας καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ ὑπερηφανίας καὶ πάσης ἀνομίας ἐμπιμπλάμενόν τε καὶ ἀποπιμπλάντα ἐξ ἅπαντος αὑτοῦ τὴν ψυχὴν τεταραγμένην ὀργαῖς τε καὶ λύπαις καὶ φόβοις καὶ ἡδοναῖς καὶ παντοίαις ἐπιθυμίαις, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς οἶόν τε προσέχοντα τὸν νοῦν αὑτῷ καὶ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις, νομέα καὶ ποιμένα τῷ ὄντι τῶν λαῶν γιγνόμενον, οὐχ ἑστιάτορα καὶ δαιτυμόνα, ὡς ἔφη τις. ἐν ἄλλοις δὲ οὐδὲ καθεύδειν αὐτὸν ἀξιοῖ δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς νυκτός, ὡς οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτῷ σχολὴν ῥᾳθυμεῖν.
Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom Page 169
