Delphi Complete Works of Dio Chrysostom

by Dio Chrysostom

  [131] ἔτι δὲ τοὺς μὲν φοβουμένους καὶ φεύγοντας ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας ἀπιέναι τὴν ταχίστην: τοὺς δὲ νικῶντας καὶ διακινδυνεύειν μένοντας: τοὺς δὲ κρατοῦντας καὶ πρὸς τοῖς αὑτῶν ἔχοντας τοσοῦτον πλῆθος αἰχμαλώτων καὶ χρημάτων περιμένειν τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ὥραν, ἅτε καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς γῆς κρατοῦντας καὶ πολλὴν ἁπάντων ἀφθονίαν ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ μὴ δέκα ἔτη περιμείναντας διαφθαρῆναι παρ᾽ ὀλίγον. αἵ τε οἴκοι συμφοραὶ καταλαβοῦσαι τοὺς ἀφικομένους οὐχ ἥκιστα δηλοῦσι τὸ πταῖσμα καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν αὐτῶν:

  [131] Be it noted also that when an army is in fear and flight, it retires with the greatest speed from the enemy’s country and takes no chances by remaining, while a victorious army that has added to its own resources a great number of prisoners and great supplies awaits the safest moment for withdrawing, since it both controls the country itself and has a great abundance of everything, but would not, after waiting ten years, have come within a little of being wholly destroyed.

  The domestic disasters also which befell those who reached their homes are not the least evidence of their discomfiture and weakness.

  [132] οὐ πάνυ γὰρ εἰώθασιν ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς νικῶσιν οὐδὲ τοῖς εὐτυχοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ τούτους μὲν θαυμάζουσι καὶ φοβοῦνται, τῶν δὲ ἀποτυχόντων καταφρονοῦσιν οἵ τε ἔξωθεν καί τινες τῶν ἀναγκαίων. φαίνεται δὲ Ἀγαμέμνων ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπεροφθεὶς διὰ τὴν ἧτταν, ὅ τε Αἴγισθος ἐπιθέμενος αὐτῷ καὶ κρατήσας ῥᾳδίως, οἵ τε Ἀργεῖοι καταλαβόντες τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τὸν Αἴγισθον βασιλέα ἀποδείξαντες, οὐκ ἄν εἰ μετὰ τοσαύτης δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ἀφικόμενον τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα ἀπέκτεινε, κρατήσαντα τῆς Ἀσίας.

  [132] It is certainly not the rule for attacks to be made on men who are victorious and successful. Such men are feared and admired. The unsuccessful, however, are held in contempt by outsiders and even by some of their own kinsfolk. It was undoubtedly because of his defeat that Agamemnon was despised by his wife, that Aegisthus attacked and easily overcame him, and that the Argives took the matter into their own hands and made Aegisthus king. They would not have done it had he slain an Agamemnon who had returned with all his glory and power after conquering Asia.

  [133] ὅ τε Διομήδης ἐξέπεσεν οἴκοθεν, οὐθενὸς ἔλαττον εὐδοκιμῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ Νεοπτόλεμος εἴτε ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων εἴτε ὑπὸ ἄλλων τινῶν: μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ πάντες ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, καὶ κατελύθη τὸ τῶν Πελοπιδῶν γένος δι᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ξυμφοράν, οἱ δ᾽ Ἡρακλεῖδαι, πρότερον ἀσθενεῖς ὄντες καὶ ἀτιμαζόμενοι,

  [133] Diomede too, who won a reputation second to no one in the war, was exiled from his home, and so was Neoptolemus, whether by Hellenes or by certain others. Then soon after they were all driven from the Peloponnese and the family of the Pelopidae came to an end because of this calamity, while the Heraclidae, hitherto a weak and despised family, came in with Dorians.

  [134] κατῆλθον μετὰ Δωριέων. Ὀδυσσεὺς δὲ ἐβράδυνεν ἑκών, τὰ μὲν αἰσχυνόμενος, τὰ δ᾽ ὑποπτεύων τὰ πράγματα. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐπὶ μνηστείαν ἐτράπησαν τῆς Πηνελόπης καὶ τῶν κτημάτων ἁρπαγὴν ἡ τῶν Κεφαλλήνων νεότης. καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐβοήθει τῶν φίλων τῶν Ὀδυσσέως οὐδὲ Νέστωρ οὕτως ἐγγύθεν. ἅπαντες γὰρ ἦσαν ταπεινοὶ καὶ φαύλως ἔπραττον οἱ τῆς στρατείας μετασχόντες. τοὐναντίον δὲ ἐχρῆν δεινοὺς ἅπασι φαίνεσθαι τοὺς νενικηκότας καὶ μηδένα αὐτοῖς ἐπιχειρεῖν.

  [134] Odysseus, however, delayed voluntarily, in part because he was ashamed, and in part because he suspected the situation; and on account of this, the youth of Cephallenia set themselves to court Penelope and seize his property, while of Odysseus’ friends not one came to his aid, not even Nestor though so near. For all who had taken part in the expedition were humbled and in poor circumstances; whereas, had they conquered, they would necessarily have inspired fear in all and no one would have attacked them.

  [135] Μενέλαος δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐχ ἧκεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κατέμεινεν. καὶ σημεῖά γε ἔστιν ἄλλα τε τῆς ἀφίξεως καὶ νομὸς ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καλούμενος, οὐκ ἂν εἰ [p. 150] πεπλανημένος καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀφίκετο. γήμας δὲ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα καὶ διηγήσατο τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τὰ τῆς στρατείας οὐθὲν ἀποκρυπτόμενος. οἱ δέ φασιν ὅτι καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην ἐκεῖθεν ἔλαβεν, λόγον ἁπάντων ἀπιστότατον: τέως δὲ ἐλάνθανεν εἴδωλον ἐκ τῆς Τροίας ἔχων: ὅ τε πόλεμος συνεστήκει περὶ εἰδώλου τὰ δέκα ἔτη.

  [135] Menelaus did not return to the Peloponnesus at all but remained in Egypt. Among other proofs of his arrival there is the fact that a province was named after him; which would not have been the case had he been a wanderer and stayed for only a short period. But he married the king’s daughter and told the priests the story of the expedition, concealing nothing.

  [136] σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐπίσταται τοῦτο καὶ αἰνίττεται, φήσας τὸν Μενέλαον μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν εἰς τὸ Ἠλύσιον πεδίον πεμφθῆναι, ὅπου μήτε νιφετὸς γίγνεται μήτε χειμών, ἀλλ᾽ αἰθρία δἰ ἔτους καὶ πρᾷος ἀήρ: ὁ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου τόπος τοιοῦτός ἐστιν. δοκοῦσι δέ μοι καὶ τῶν ὕστερον ποιητῶν τινες ὑποπτεῦσαιτὰ πράγματα. τὴν γὰρ Ἑλένην ἐπιβουλευθῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ Ὀρέστου λέγει τις τῶν τραγῳδοποιῶν εὐθὺς ἐλθοῦσαν, γενέσθαι δὲ ἀφανῆ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιφανέντων. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐποίησεν, εἰ ἐφαίνετο ἡ Ἑλένη κατοικήσασα ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ τῷ Μενελάῳ

  [136] One could almost say that Homer is not only well acquainted with all this account, but also that he is hinting at it when he says that Menelaus was sent by the gods after his death to the Elysian fields, where there is neither snow nor storm but sunshine and balmy air throughout the year, for such is the climate of Egypt. It seems to me that some of the later poets too have an inkling of the facts. One of the tragic poets, for instance, says that Helen immediately upon her return was the object of Orestes’ plotting and that on the appearance of her brothers she was not to be found. Now the poet would never have so represented it in his play had it been an established fact that Helen lived in Greece after the war, and as the wife of Menelaus.

  [137] συνοῦσα. τὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν Ἑλλήνων μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον εἰστοῦτο
ἦλθε δυστυχίας καὶ ταπεινότητος, τὰ δὲ τῶν Τρώων πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ ἐπικυδέστερα ἐγένετο. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Αἰνείας ὑπὸ Ἕκτορος πεμφθεὶς μετὰ στόλου καὶ δυνάμεως πολλῆς Ἰταλίαν κατέσχε τὴν εὐδαιμονεστάτην χώραν τῆς Εὐρώπης: τοῦτο δὲ Ἕλενος εἰς μέσην ἀφικόμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα Μολοττῶν ἐβασίλευσε καὶ τῆς ἠπείρου πλησίον Θετταλίας. καίτοι πότερον εἰκὸς ἦν τοὺς ἡττηθέντας ἐπιπλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν κρατησάντων χώραν καὶ βασιλεύειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἢ τοὐναντίον τοὺς κρατήσαντας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ἡττημένων;

  [137] This is the gloomy and weak state into which the fortune of Greece fell after the war, while that of Troy became much brighter and more glorious. On the one hand, Aeneas was sent by Hector with a large fleet and force of men and occupied Italy, the most favoured country in Europe; and, on the other, Helenus penetrated into the interior of Greece and became king of the Molossians and of Epeirus near Thessaly. And yet which was the more probable: that a vanquished people should sail to the land of their conquerors and reign among them, or that, on the contrary, the victors should sail to the land of the conquered?

  [138] πῶς δέ, εἴπερ ἁλούσης Τροίας ἔφευγον οἱ περὶ τὸν Αἰνείαν καὶ τὸν Ἀντήνορα καὶ τὸν Ἕλενον, οὐ πανταχόσε μᾶλλον ἔφευγονἢ εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην, οὐδὲ τόπον τινὰ ἠγάπων καταλαβόντες τῆς Ἄσίας, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων ἔπλεον ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀνάστατοι ἐγένοντο; πῶς δὲ ἐβασίλευσαν ἅπαντες οὐ σμικρῶν οὐδὲ ἀνωνύμων χωρίων; ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατασχεῖν; ἀλλ᾽ ἀπείχοντο διὰ τοὺς ὅρκους. ὅμως δὲ Ἕλενος οὐκ ὀλίγον αὐτῆσἀπετέμετο, τὴν Ἤπειρον: Ἀντήνωρ δὲ Ἑνετῶν ἐκράτησε καὶ γῆς [p. 151] ἀρίστης τῆς περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν: Αἰνείας δὲ πάσης Ἰταλίας ἐβασίλευσε καὶ πόλιν ᾤκισε τὴν μεγίστην πασῶν.

  [138] Furthermore, if, when Troy fell, Aeneas, Antenor, Helenus, and their people fled, why did they not betake themselves anywhere else rather than to Greece and Europe, or content themselves with occupying some place in Asia, rather than sail straight to the land of those who had driven them out? And how did they all come to rule over regions by no means small or obscure, when they might have seized Greece also? But, one says, they refrained on account of their oaths. Still, Helenus cut off no small part of it, namely, Epirus. Then Antenor acquired dominion over the Heneti and the very best land about the Adriatic, while Aeneas became master of all Italy and founded the greatest city in the world.

  [139] ταῦτα δὲ οὐκ εἰκὸς ἦν πρᾶξαι φυγάδας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ταῖς οἴκοθεν ξυμφοραῖς καταβεβλημένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπᾶν, εἴ τις αὐτοὺς εἴα κατοικεῖν: ἄλλως τε μετὰ ποίας ἀφορμῆς ἀφικομένους χρημάτων ἢ στρατιᾶς διὰ μέσων τῶν πολεμίων φεύγοντας, ἐμπεπρησμένης τῆς πόλεως, πάντων ἀπολωλότων, ὅπου χαλεπὸν ἦν τὰ σώματα αὐτὰ διασῶσαι τοὺς ἰσχύοντας καὶ νέους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μετὰ παίδων, γυναικῶν καὶ γονέων καὶ χρημάτων ἀπανίστασθαι, καὶ ταῦτα ἀδοκήτως τε καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἁλούσης τῆς πόλεως, οὐχ ὥσπερ εἰώθασι κατὰ σπονδὰς κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐκλείπειν;

  [139] Now it does not stand to reason that men driven into exile and crushed by calamities at home accomplished such things, but rather that they would have been satisfied to be allowed to settle anywhere, especially when one considers with what humble resources whether of men or of money they would have had to come, fleeing through the midst of the enemy, their city lying in ashes and everything lost, when it would have been hard for the young and vigorous to save even their lives, to say nothing of setting forth with wives, children, parents, and property, when, to make matters worse, their city had been taken suddenly and contrary to their expectation, and they would not have departed gradually as men are wont to do when there has been a formal agreement. Nay, what did happen was a thing that could happen.

  [140] ἀλλὰ τὸ γενόμενον δυνατὸν γενέσθαι. τὸν δὲ Ἕκτορά φασιν, ὡς ἀπέπλευσαν οἱ Ἀχαιοί, πολλοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνεληλυθότος καὶ μηδὲ τῶν ἐπικούρων ἀπιέναι βουλομένων ἁπάντων, ἔτι δὲ ὁρῶντα τὸν Αἰνείαν οὐκ ἀνεχόμενον, εἰ μὴ μέρος λάβοι τῆς ἀρχῆς: ταῦτα γὰρ ὑποσχέσθαι τὸν Πρίαμον αὐτῷ διαπολεμήσαντι τὸν πόλεμον καὶ ἐκβαλόντι τοὺς Ἀχαιούς: οὕτω δὴ τὴν ἀποικίαν στεῖλαι χρημάτων τε οὐ φεισάμενον καὶ πλῆθος ὁπόσον αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο πέμψαντα μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας.

  [140] The story goes that after the Achaeans sailed away there was a great multitude assembled in the city, and that the allies were not all inclined to depart, and that, further, Hector discovered that Aeneas would not be satisfied if he did not get some share in the royal power, as Priam had promise him, so he claimed, if he saw the war through to the end and expelled the Achaeans; so Hector sent the colonists forth, generously supplying means and despatching with Aeneas as large a force as he wished, with all goodwill.

  [141] λέγειν δὲ αὐτὸν ὡς ἄξιος μὲν εἴη βασιλεύειν καὶ μηδὲν καταδεεστέραν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν τῆς αὑτοῦ, προσήκειν δὲ μᾶλλον ἑτέραν κτήσασθαι γῆν: εἶναι γὰρ οὐκ ἀδύνατον πάσης κρατῆσαι τῆς Εὐρώπης: τούτων δὲ οὕτως γενομένων ἐλπίδας ἔχειν τοὺς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἄρχειν ἑκατέρας τῆς ἠπείρου, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἂν σώζηται τὸ γένος.

  [141] He assured Aeneas that he was fully entitled to reign and have an authority no whit inferior to his own, but that it was better for him to get another country; because it was not impossible for Aeneas to become master of all Europe, and in that event he had hopes that their descendants would be rulers of both continents as long as their race endured.

  [142] ταῦτα δὴ ἀξιοῦντος Ἕκτορος ἑλέσθαι τὸν Αἰνείαν, τὰ μὲν ἐκείνῳ χαριζόμενον, τὰ δὲ ἐλπίζοντα μειζόνων τεύξεσθαι: οὕτως δὴ τὴν ἀποικίαν γενέσθαι ἀπὸ ἰσχύος καὶ φρονήματος ὑπό τε ἀνθρώπων εὐτυχούντων παραχρῆμά τε δυνηθῆναι καὶ εἰς αὖθις. ὁρῶντα δὲ Ἀντήνορα Αἰνείαν στελλόμενον καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμῆσαι Εὐρώπης ἐπάρξαι, καὶ γενέσθαι στόλον ἄλλον τοιοῦτον. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐγκαλοῦντα Ἕλενον ὡς ἐλαττούμενον Δηιφόβου δεηθῆναι τοῦ πατρός, καὶ λαβόντα ναῦς καὶ στρατιὰν ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἕτοιμον τὴν Ἑλλάδα πλεῦσαι καὶ κατασχεῖν ὅλην τὴν ἔκσπονδον.

  [142] Accordingly, Aeneas adopted the suggestion of Hector, partly to pl
ease him, partly because he hoped to achieve greater things. So thanks to vigour and spirit the colony became an actuality and under the guidance of fortune’s favourites was a power at once and in future times. Then Antenor, so they say, on observing Aeneas’ preparations, likewise desired to get a kingdom in Europe. So another similar expedition was fitted out. The story adds that Helenus, complaining that he was getting less than Deïphobus, petitioned his father, obtained a fleet and army, and sailed to Greece as though it were waiting for him, and occupied all the territory from which the treaties did not exclude him.

  [143] οὕτω δὴ καὶ Διομήδην φεύγοντα ἐξ Ἄργους, ἐπειδὴ τὸν Αἰνείου στόλον ἐπύθετο, ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰρήνης [p. 152] καὶ φιλίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης, δεηθῆναί τε βοηθείας τυχεῖν, διηγησάμενον τάς τε Ἀγαμέμνονος καὶ τὰς αὑτοῦ συμφοράς. τὸν δὲ ἀναλαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἔχοντα ὀλίγας ναῦς καὶ μέρος τι παραδοῦναι τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἐπειδὴ πᾶσαν ἔσχε τὴν χώραν.

  [143] And so it happened that when Diomede in exile from Argos heard of Aeneas’ expedition, he came to him, since peace and friendship existed between them, and asked for his help, after relating the misfortunes that had befallen Agamemnon and himself. Aeneas welcomed him and his little fleet of ships and gave him a small part of his army, since he had brought all the country under his sway.

  [144] ὕστερον δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τοὺς ἐκπεσόντας ὑπὸ Δωριέων, ἀποροῦντας ὅποι τράπωνται δἰἀσθένειαν, εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐλθεῖν ὡς παρὰ φίλους τε καὶ ἐνσπόνδους τοὺς ἀπὸ Πριάμου τε καὶ Ἕκτορος, Λέσβον τε οἰκῆσαι κατὰ φιλίαν παρέντων καὶ ἄλλα οὐ μικρὰ χωρία. ὅστις δὲ μὴ πείθεται τούτοις ὑπὸ τῆς παλαιᾶς δόξης, ἐπιστάσθω ἀδύνατος ὢν ἀπαλλαγῆναι ἀπάτης καὶ διαγνῶναι τὸ ψεῦδος