Stalin's Nemesis

by Michael James Melnyk

  On 7 January (Ukrainian Christmas day) Rev. Dr Laba presided over a special field service at the Division’s headquarters and shared Prosfora (blessed bread) with its commander SS-Brigadeführer Freitag. The modest celebrations took place in the presence of the leaders of the Military Board and the Ukrainian Central Committee Oberst Bisanz and Prof. Kubijovych who arrived in Zilina, together with a party of 25–30 members of the organisations they represented.259 In small delegations they visited several of the reserve units, making speeches to boost morale and bringing with them news of the developments concerning the formation of the Ukrainian National Committee.260

  Julfest 24 December 1944 Freitag, standing beside Freitag SS-Obersturmbannführer is Dr Max Specht.

  Second from right (sitting): Divisional commander SS-Brigadeführer Freitag; third from right: SS-Obersturmbannführer Dr Max Specht, Julfest 24 December 1944.

  Waffen-Sturmbannführer Rev Laba at during the celebration of Julfest 24 December 1944.

  In Zilina, Oberst Bisanz held a series of private talks with the senior general staff officers including Major Heike during which he discussed German attitudes towards the Ukrainians, the recent political developments and their repercussions with regard to the Division. Confidentially, Heike was also told that the Wächter—Arlt cabal had instigated steps to have Freitag removed and a more suitable commander appointed in his place.261

  The same topics formed the basis of a subsequent conference with Freitag during which he was informed of the imminent public proclamation of the establishment of the Ukrainian National Committee headed by General Shandruk, and its formal recognition by the German government. Bisanz unsuccessfully endeavoured to persuade Freitag that in light of Shandruk’s envisaged appointment as ‘supreme commander of all Ukrainian Armed forces’ the formation of which had already begun, that he was no longer suitable as the commander. Bisanz went on to emphasise that Freitag simply did not understand the Division’s potential political significance and that his attitude towards it was in any case wholly inappropriate. Freitag knew that Bisanz lacked any authority to effect a change of command and that the ‘official’ German line at the time was still disposed toward Vlasov’s ‘federalist’ concept and did not support an independent Ukrainian Committee. Fortified by this knowledge he refused to debate the issue and could not be induced into voluntarily relinquishing his command. Similarly, a subsequent attempt to get Ukrainians assigned to positions of responsibility also met with complete failure. In line with his ardent Nazi ideals, Freitag maintained his unshakeable conviction of absolute German superiority and as long as he was not compelled to do so, he continued to exclude what he considered to be ‘inferior’ Ukrainians from crucial positions on the Division’s staff.

  On the 8 January 1945, the party departed without having achieved a positive resolution to any of the difficult issues. From the moment of their arrival until their departure, Bisanz and Kubijovych were kept under surveillance by the German security services in Slovakia and a secret report on their activities was prepared by the former Chief of Police and SD in Galicia SS-Obersturmbannführer Dr Josef Witiska262 for ‘Gestapo’ Müller the head of the Gestapo.263 This outlined their respective attitude towards the German military situation in the east. It also revealed that the most prominent complaints were that the Division lacked heavy weapons (especially anti-tank) and that there was no training for Ukrainians in administration and other non-combatant duties.

  In response to an alarm received on 14 January ‘KGr. Wildner’ was sent for the third and final time to the Slovakian/Hungarian front.264 The unit was to have been transported by truck but because of heavy snowfall of almost one metre, the battle group was forced to make the second part of its journey to the village of Babina by foot. The KGr. had barely taken up positions before its mission was aborted and it was ordered to withdraw to Zilina and rejoin the Division. Waffen-Grenadier Jaroslav Wenger of 2./I./WGR 29:

  […] It was a cold New year [14 January].265 Our company went to the church in Nove Kysutske Mesto for Mass and while we were in the church a messenger arrived and whispered to our NCO that we were to leave the church immediately. Outside the church our commander ordered, ‘Run back to the village of Brodno!’ which was about 6 kms away. At the village we were quickly issued with padded reversible winter clothing, warm jackets and felt boots. There we got our weapons and they gave us a few Czech grenades and lots of ammunition. The cook ran forward and said ‘dinner is ready’, but our company commander said ‘there was no time for dinner’ and we, hungry and even without our ‘iron ration’266 left the village and went to the hills. There we met other companies of our 1 battalion and its commander SS-Obersturmbannführer Wildner. There amongst the bushes was deep snow up to our knees.

  Hungry because of the miserly breakfast we had, exhausted and at the end of our strength we went forward often falling into the snow. Commander Wildner broke off a branch of a tree using it as a cane and like Moses in the picture was leading us and encouraging , ‘Move forward boys! Come on!’ During the whole night we never met anyone. The next morning we were returned to our quarters.267

  On 19 January according to traditional Ukrainian customs, the seasonal religious festival concluded with the observance of Yordan (water blessing)268 as described by a former Waffen-Untersturmführer Evhen Shypailo from 13./WGR 30 :

  I vividly remember the day when we celebrated Yordan (Epiphany) in Velka Bytca on 19 January 1945, in an old Ukrainian tradition. In the centre of the town square a huge cross (measuring about 10ft) was erected made out of ice blocks. In front of the cross a platform was built adorned with pine trees on the left and on the right and in the centre of the platform was a small podium to serve as an altar. A large cask filled with water was placed next to the podium. At precisely 1030 hrs the troops stationed in the town—about 300 men—arrived at the square and formed a U shape facing the altar. They were dressed in parade uniforms. It was a nice clear day with the temperature just below freezing. The Division’s priest celebrated a Mass, blessed the water and the troops. A platoon fired three salvos. After Mass the troops returned to their quarters marching and singing Ukrainian military songs.

  A large number of local people gathered in the town square and observed the Mass and proceedings. They liked what they saw... no German personnel participated in the celebration.269

  Even more lavish festivities were held within the Training and Reserve Regiment in Cadca on the same day. At least one of the regiment’s German battalion commander SS-Hauptsturmführer Wilhelm Schramm (Kdr. III.btl.) was present, and witnessed a Holy Mass conducted by Chaplain Danylo Kowaluk, and accompanied by the regimental choir. Photographs taken on these occasions show that local civilians were also in attendance.

  For the duration of the Ukrainian Christmas and New Year period the Division continued to perform its security tasks and all units were kept in a constant state of alert, ready for deployment in the field.

  As the opportunity arose, around this time Freitag dutifully took the opportunity to visit some of those who had been injured in the recent fighting. These included Waffen-Unterscharführer Mychailo Kormylo (promoted 31 January 1945) who had been wounded in the left heel at the end of December and transferred to a military hospital near Linz in Austria, for treatment:

  […] Sometime at the beginning of February 1945 the nursing sister told me that there was a very important visitor wearing the Ritterkreuz at the neck wanting to know if there are any Ukrainians in the hospital. Sister Ingrid Schloss said ‘I will take you to him, and he is from the 14 Galician Division’. She appeared with Freitag.

  In our room there were lying twenty-two wounded men, who knew it was an important visitor. He came in and greeted everybody with Heil Hitler! He looked at the tablet above the bed, approached nearer and offered me his hand and said ‘how do you feel?’ I replied ‘In this hospital I feel much better than at the front in Slovakia’ Freitag laughed and said ‘this is true but in two months I hope you will be back wi
th your division, because soldiers like you in the division are few’. Freitag said ‘I remember seeing you at Brody in Pidhirtsi forest with your heavy machine gun and now I see you again in different circumstances’. I said ‘I sincerely thank you Brigadeführer Freitag for visiting me. It is pleasant for me to see on you your award for Brody. It suits you. Freitag said it was also pleasant for him to see I have the Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen (Infantry Assault Badge). I thanked him again for visiting and he walked away raising his arm and saying Heil Hitler!

  Religious celebration played an important part in the Division. Epiphany, 19 January 1945. An impressive cross and alter were constructed from ice from the frozen River Váh to celebrate Jordan. As with almost all the Division’s religious ceremonies, civilians were present throughout and can be seen in this picture.

  Mass is held to celebrate Epiphany 19 January 1945, Velka Bytca.

  Epiphany 19 January 1945, Velka Bytca.

  Men from the Galician Division’s Pioneer Battalion who carried out the work, Velka Bytca 19 January 1945.

  Celebration of the Feast of Epiphany, Feld Ersatz Regiment 19 January 1945 Cadca Slovakia Chaplain Waffen Hauptsturmführer Danylo Kovaliuk conducts Mass. The Ukrainian national symbol—the trident is clearly evident.

  Celebration of the Feast of Epiphany, 14. Feld Ersatz Regiment, 19 January 1945 Cadca, Slovakia, Chaplain Waffen Hauptsturmführer Danylo Kovaliuk blesses the water.

  The choir sings at the celebration of the Feast of Epiphany, 14. Feld Ersatz Regiment, 19 January 1945 Cadca Slovakia Chaplain.

  When Freitag had left the room many of the other wounded asked me what reason did he have to visit me? and I replied that Freitag was the commander of our division and that we were on the eastern front together.[…]270

  3

  Fighting Tito’s Communist Partisans

  Transfer to Slovenia

  It will be recalled that the SS-FHA had earlier established a (somewhat unrealistic) deadline of 31 December 1944 for the ‘14. Waffen-Grenadier-Division der SS (ukrainische Nr.1)’ to become fully operational.1 This had now long expired, consequently its command awaited the imminent arrival of new orders.2 In the interim, its staff anticipated a transfer to a secondary front in a new sector, the nearby eastern front in Poland being a strong candidate. Indeed Freitag had met with the command of the Army Group in Cracow which had already expressed an interest in using it to fight partisans and maintain security in its rear,3 therefore as a contingency, plans were made by its general staff to accommodate this option. Notwithstanding these developments, the state of its battle readiness remained questionable as did the possible location for its new area of operations.

  In several important respects the tour of duty in Slovakia had undoubtedly been of great benefit. It had enabled the Division to re-equip with weapons and other war matériel which it lacked, obtained from the partisans and from the captured stocks of the Slovak Army; its soldiers had reached a high level of fitness during the anti-partisan missions in the mountains which demanded considerable endurance; and elements of it had gained valuable combat experience fighting against the Red Army.

  Paradoxically, it had also compromised the state of its battle readiness, denying it the sustained and un-interrupted period of intensive training required to make it a fully fit fighting unit, moreover, Freitag was rightly concerned about the arrival of so many untrained replacements into its ranks in recent months. While there was a solid core of experienced and battle hardened elements within the Division, their presence was diluted by the large number of predominantly conscripted personnel who often lacked the enthusiasm and commitment of the initial volunteers which in turn had further undermined progress with reformation and retraining.

  As regards its new assignment, previous experience had shown that deployment of Galician units on Polish territory had been problematical, especially the resultant large scale desertions. At the same time, influential individuals who worked closely with it like Wächter and Arlt, were keen to preserve the Division at all costs. Both were actively involved in the ongoing positive developments with the Ukrainian National Committee, which had significantly enhanced the importance of the Division’s political potential. They understood that consequences of committing it prematurely and were anxious to avoid an ill-advised posting and a repeat of the debacle at Brody.

  The situation was finally resolved when on 21 January 1945, notification was received at the Division’s headquarters that it was to transfer to Styria (Untersteiermark) along with its Training and Reserve Regiment where it was to be deployed against Tito’s Communist partisans in the district and complete its reformation. On arrival it was to be subordinated to the command of the HSSPF SS-Obergruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Polizei und Waffen-SS Erwin Rösener4 in Ljubljana, who as commander of the rear areas of Army Group E, would determine its exact area of deployment. The requisite rail transportation was not available, hence transfer was to be by Fussmarsch (foot march).5 A supplementary order from SS-Obergruppenführer Höfle stated that the use of the main Zilina—Bratislava—Vienna road was prohibited, as it was restricted to priority traffic carrying supplies for the frontline units.6 Although the destination came as a surprise to its command,7 ultimately it was a more acceptable solution for all parties concerned.

  Being primarily a horse drawn infantry unit, the Division’s staff calculated that the transfer would require an estimated additional 400 horses and 100 wagons.8 These would be needed to move the substantial amount of matériel, uniforms,9 food and ammunition which it had accumulated and aid the mobilisation of the ever-expanding Reserve Regiment. At the same time, they would replace a number of sick or exhausted animals indentified by the head of section IVc (veterinary company) SS-Obersturmbannführer. Dr Oskar Kopp assisted by chief veterinary officer Waffen-Untersturmführer Dr Volodymyr Kischko, which would have to be left behind.

  As Slovakia was predominantly agricultural and cart horses and wagons were relatively plentiful, Höfle gave permission to procure the deficit from local sources with all such transactions being made on a voluntary basis. Horses, carts and harnesses were to be rented from the farmers and a receipt given for the full value. In the event of it proving to be impossible to return them, the farmer would be reimbursed in cash by Höfle in his capacity as Commander in Chief Slovakia, to cover their losses. Requisition orders detailing the correct procedure and exact quantities involved were then issued to unit commanders. Regardless of the strict limits imposed, the Division’s combined units requisitioned around 800 horses and 150 wagons was well as additional harnesses in excess of the necessary quotas,10 together with large quantities of hay which were also taken as fodder for the long journey ahead.

  These items were duly commandeered from local civilians and other German formations stationed in the area,11 moreover, as was also the case with the subsequent appropriations conducted by other German and Hungarian units in Slovakia,12 a receipt was not always given. This is evident from the records of county officials in Povazska Bystrica,13 Velka Bytca and Kysucke Nove Mesto which noted in these localities no payment was received for these items,14 which inevitably caused some resentment amongst the local population. The cause appears to have been over zealousness on the part of certain units as well as failure to keep appropriate accounts. Some individuals also used this opportunity to obtain foodstuffs from farmers who would plead and offer bribes in order to keep their horses.15 In response to complaints, ultimately, of the excess, over 200 horses and 100 wagons were returned by its command. In relation to this, in his memoirs Major Heike commented ‘the commanders of units found to be culpable of taking more than their allocation were severely reprimanded and penalties meted out for contravening orders’.16

  To implement the transfer, a detailed march plan was devised which divided the Division’s sub-units into two main Marschgruppen (marching columns) identified as ‘A’ and ‘B’. These were to travel along two parallel routes, passing through Slovakia, across the main bridges ov
er the Danube at Bratislava and Klosterneuburg, and through Austria to their eventual destination in Slovenia. This was a long and demanding march through snow-covered mountainous terrain covering a total distance of in excess of 600 kilometres.17

  Marschgruppe A led by SS-Brigadeführer Freitag comprised of the bulk of the Division and had furthest to travel. It consisted of the headquarters unit together with WGR’s 29 and 30, the Training and Reserve Regiment, the communications unit, parts of the anti-tank unit, the Artillery Regiment, and the supply services. Its projected route was; Cadca–Zilina, then along the Váh Valley to Povazska Bystrica, Trencin, Nove Mesto nad Váhom,—across the lower Carpathians to Malacky, then passing north of Vienna to Klosterneuburg, across the Wiener Wald to Wiener Neustadt, Semmering, Bruck an der Mur, Graz and Maribor.

  Somewhat smaller was Marschgruppe B led by the commander of WGR 31 SS-Standartenführer Rudolf Pannier. It was comprised of WGR 31, the Fusilier Battalion, the Pioneer Battalion, and the 14.Feld-Ersatz Battalion and was to follow the route; Vrutky, Turciansky, Svaty St Martin, then along the Turiec and Nitra Valleys to Piestany, across the lower Carpathians to Bratislava, passing south of Vienna to Wiener Neustadt, Hartberg, Gleisdorf, Graz and finally on to Maribor.

  Crippling fuel shortages meant that superfluous vehicles including some of the recently acquired Czech made lorries had to be left behind,18 whilst the essential motor vehicles had to be transported by rail. The only exceptions were a few light cars and motorcycles which were to accompany the marching groups for liaison and communications purposes. The motorised echelon, some of the heavy weapons including anti-aircraft guns and provisions not easily moved by road, together with the medical personnel formed Marschgruppe C. It was supervised by the commander of the Demolition and Panzerjäger battalion SS-Sturmbannführer Hermann Kaschner.