Stalin's Nemesis
Page 32
[…] In our tent we came to conclusion that it didn’t matter what we did it was impossible to get rid of the tattoo without professional help, so we decided to hope for the best. Others were thinking about cutting it off, or of burning it off with a cigarette, but still it would leave a mark. Somebody advised us to prick the tattoo with a needle and put raw meat on it and keep it bandaged for couple of days then it would vanish. But as there was no raw meat to be found. One inmate caught small a lizard, killed it and used it instead. He nearly lost his arm.[…]38
This endless speculation created a general mood of apprehension which was exacerbated in mid June when the normal routine was interrupted with news that two commissions would be visiting.
On 17 June 1945, a Polish delegation arrived at the camp from General Wladyslaw Anders’ Second Polish Army Corps which was stationed in Italy and appealed to the western Ukrainians as ‘former Polish citizens’ to join the Corps, which had fought alongside the British against the Germans. Only 176 men with mixed motives volunteered,39 despite their unpredictable future and an offer of freedom. Some were of Polish origin, or had family members already serving in the Corps, whilst for others such as Jaroslav Tzaryk, it was an opportunity to escape the mundane existence and depravations of incarceration.
The Spectre of Extradition
Far more sinister was the appearance of a Soviet Repatriation Mission under the command of Major General Basilov, which included Colonel Jakovliev, Major Fedorov and Captain Uraevsky which was present from 26 June 1945. The British authorities had allowed the Commission to screen the Ukrainians to find evidence of war criminality, or that there were Soviet citizens amongst the members of the Division as proof of either would have resulted in mandatory repatriation. The Commission was accompanied by Captain Denis Hills in his capacity as liaison and screening officer whose remit was to determine the status of the internees as regards their citizenship. By his own account it allowed him a great deal of latitude that he subsequently applied sympathetically. According to the protocols of the Yalta agreement, the British viewed the Ukrainians as ‘some sort of border Poles’40 and therefore by definition not subject to automatic repatriation. The Soviet contention on the other hand was that because Poland and the USSR had agreed on new boundaries after the end of the war anybody who came from territory now incorporated into the USSR had to be considered a Soviet national. Hills was sympathetic to the Ukrainians and advised any who did not wish to return to be ‘absolutely firm with the Soviets’ when questioned.41
Rare picture of Soviet NKVD man attached to the Soviet repatriation commission. The sign reads—‘Your Homeland is waiting for you!’
Despite the promises written on the signs, those who were voluntarily repatriated from Rimini did not go home but rather went straight to Siberian Gulags.
NKVD personnel from the Soviet repatriation team at Rimini.
The Commission then spoke to the Ukrainians urging to them to return to their homeland which was exhausted after the war and needed the help of each of its sons and daughters to help rebuild it. Empty assurances were given that things had changed for the better in the Soviet Union and that a general amnesty had been proclaimed for all those who had deviated in their loyalty to Stalin’s regime. The delegation was received very badly and in light of their past experiences, few believed their promises. All the Ukrainians were interrogated individually but the results were negligible and all told, on this day 161 men volunteered to be repatriated (these were mostly Russians and other non-Ukrainian nationalities from the Soviet Union). Roman Hawrylak wrote:
[…] The Soviets entered our camp with a British escort. We were ordered to assemble as we did for our daily count, following which they came to each unit and started their tirades trying to convince us to return voluntarily to our homeland saying that the war is over, everything will be forgiven and that our families are waiting for us. Our response was very emotional which corresponded with the situation, and we shouted back at them about the mass murders in the L’viv prisons, Vinnytsia, Katyn, the great famine inflicted on our nation and the bloodthirsty tyrant Stalin and his almighty NKVD. The Soviets were flabbergasted and stunned by our response and they asked the British escorts to pacify and quieten us down which they did.
The Soviet Commissars continued their address and asked those who wanted to return to step forward with their belongings and dismissed all the others. A few misguided individuals believed the Soviets and went to their tents to collect their things. As a farewell we let out our pent up wrath and beat them mercilessly and the wretched guys with bloody faces were taken away by truck. The next day the commissars came again but this time we had to assemble with our belongings. The repatriates also came back in trucks well scrubbed, wearing new clothing and smoking. They threw us sweets and cigarettes to show us how well they had been treated.[…] 42, 43
The re-appearance of the voluntary repatriates was met with a barrage of rocks, forcing the camp guards to fire their rifles in the air to restore order, but not before the renegade Ukrainians were forced to make an ignominious retreat.
Later, on 15 July a further 666 volunteered for voluntary repatriation. Of these the majority appear to have been civilians and former forced labourers who had joined the Ukrainian soldiers during the retreat and had ‘volunteered’ for the Division to avoid the extreme hardships of the POW camps and the Allied bombs which fell on the industrial targets where they worked. A handful were incurably ill with diseases such as tuberculosis while others mistakenly believed that they would be re-united with their families, or that they would later be able to escape and join the Ukrainian underground circles. As many had found themselves in German uniforms as a result of circumstances beyond their control, they naively hoped that the Soviet authorities would show them some compassion.44
Most however, refused to yield and remained extremely hostile to the Commission. Rapidly losing face, General Basilov argued the Soviet mission had been maliciously stymied and that its failure to induce the men to return was down to the presence of the ‘stubborn Fascist minority’ and their influence on the enlisted men.45 To rectify this they demanded that all higher-ranking Ukrainian officers occupying commanding posts should be separated and removed from the camp. To appease the Soviets the British yielded to this demand and on 14 August 1945, Colonel Krat and thirty five of the senior officers were taken out of the compound. Lt-Colonel Porfiri Sylenko was appointed as the new temporary commander until he too was removed two days later on 16 August along with another 37 officers. A short while later a third group of officers were removed.
In the absence of these officers, the Commission, now with the help of newly arrived Major General A. Vasiliev, continued interrogating the Ukrainians, working relentlessly without meal breaks. Captain Hills who was present at every interview to provide ‘morale encouragement’ relates when asked why they had taken up arms against the motherland they replied with increasing vehemence ‘the Bolsheviks murdered my parents’.46
Unable to persuade the vast majority of Ukrainians to succumb to their assurances, the Soviets finally lost their patience with the constant and humiliating rebuffs and as Denis Hills recalled in his memoirs in a fit of pique one exasperated colonel shouted:
You are the grey mass’ (tiomnaya massa). You have nothing to offer but your hands. The world doesn’t want you. For them you are rubbish. Be warned sooner or later the Soviet Union will have you.47
Thereafter the British no longer permitted them access into the Ukrainian compound. In total from 15 June to the end of September 1945, when they finally departed, 1,052 men were voluntary repatriated.48
The Commission also visited the Ukrainians being held in captivity by the Americans in the Auerbach Camp, the number of which constantly fluctuated with escapes from approximately 1,300 at its height to around 800. From this group around 40 voluntarily returned to the USSR.49
Rimini
Between them, the Polish and Soviet Commissions had attracted 1,228 men who
left the camp while on 17 October 1945, the remaining 9,148 men and NCOs plus 160 officers of the Ukrainian Division were transferred to a new and better location.50 Situated 13 kms away near the city of Rimini, the camp was on the grounds of a former airfield and was more permanent being equipped with administration buildings and Nissen huts. Hospital and sanitary services were also provided, while additional building such as churches, schools, a theatre, kitchens and storehouse were either modified from existing structures or built from scratch. Here the soldiers once again reorganised themselves and assumed the integrated structure of a Division.
Roll call before British camp commander Rimini.
Two British camp guards at Rimini.
Camp signpost.
SEP Camp #1, Rimini, Italy. Front row, left to right: Major Savely Yaskevych, General Mychailo Krat, Colonel Porfirij Sylenko.
Throughout their stay at Bellaria no extra clothing had been provided and the majority had worn out clothes and shoes. At the new camp and with winter rapidly approaching good used shoes and uniforms of demobbed British soldiers were distributed. From this point on the camp was known as ‘SEP Camp Rimini, Italy’. The designation SEP (surrendered Enemy Personnel) allowed them to make the most of the administration in military order and their conduct since surrender was described as ‘exemplary’.51
Free from the prospect of repatriation, the inmates began to put their time to good use and already looking ahead to the future, many sought to expand their knowledge. Amongst the older men were several former teachers who organised a ‘free university’ and several courses for the young men whose studies had been interrupted by the war including the matura course which was available to obtain a certificate of secondary education and was approved by the Vatican educational authority. Some students were enrolled at seminaries in Rome and one group was accepted to study at universities in Spain.
Various technical, agricultural, commercial and trades schools were founded where former professional tradesmen such as carpenters, builders and even watchmakers were able to pass on their skills. The agricultural school had three pairs of horses and the driver’s school had the use of a car. For paper students initially used the inside of labels which came on canned foods, scrap or even toilet paper on which to write their notes although later the British provided materials and equipment. Among the most popular subjects were foreign languages especially English and Italian, for which the Ukrainians showed a great enthusiasm. Camp newspapers including Zyttia W Tarori (Life in the Camp, ed. O. Horodysky) and satirical periodicals were also published.
Choirs were quickly established and music was provided by former members of the Divisional band who had managed to successfully salvage their instruments. In addition to their studies, recreational pursuits began with the acquisition of some footballs and subsequent creation of a ‘sports club’ which organised games on a make-shift field. Swimming competitions in the nearby Adriatic Sea, running races, boxing, volleyball and basic athletics also took place although it was difficult to conduct serious sports activity because of the lack of stamina caused by the meagre rations. Chess tournaments using home-made hand carved figurines and boards were also a very popular pastime, largely because they did not require any physical exertion from the emaciated internees.
Another welcome diversion from the monotony of the camp routine occurred when a mobile movie theatre visited the camp showing some captured German films.52
Simultaneously, a ‘market’ quickly sprang up, where personal items and possessions were available for exchange or barter and small caged jail known as a ‘Kalabush’ was established for minor infractions.
Mass was held regularly for the mostly devoutly religious internees and all principal religious festivals were observed and were very well attended.53 For most days the sun was blazing mercilessly and from noon onward everyone tried to stay in the shade of their living quarters as much as possible.
Identify card issued to my father Petro Melnyk at the Rimini camp.
Work detail at Rimini.
Making mud bricks at Rimini.
Rimini 25 May 1946; swearing the solemn oath of allegiance to Ukraine.
Bugler signals time for bed at 2200 hrs, Rimini Camp, Italy.
Volodymyr Keczun remembered:
[…] The best part of the day was just before sunset. When the bugle call sounded we all came out from our tents and stood to attention in columns for prayer. After the prayer we all sang as loud as possible the church hymn for Ukraine:—‘O Lord, listen to our prayers. Our country is being vandalised, so please give us unity because that will give us strength to get the fetters off our feet, so that we do not die in slavery’. We all hoped that the Russian delegation heard us and were fuming.[…] 54
During its existence 34 soldiers died at the camp for a variety of accidental or natural causes and were interned initially at Cervia before later being moved to Section 23 of the German military cemetery at Passo della Futa.55
Whilst the British authorities continued to debate the ultimate fate of the Ukrainians, fresh impetus was given to finding a solution in 1947, as the Allies prepared to sign a peace treaty with the Italians under the terms of which they would be required to withdraw all their forces from Italy by the end of the year. The Foreign Office was of the view that following the impending peace treaty the new Italian government would be neither willing nor able to withstand pressure from the Soviets to forcibly repatriate the Ukrainians, therefore the British Government decided to move them. In February 1947 the camp inmates were informed that they would soon be transferred to Great Britain which in the aftermath of the war, was suffering from an acute manpower shortage and where they would act as cheap labour, replacing returning German POWs, who were due to return home. As a precautionary measure, prior to departure the Ukrainians were then given health checks and inoculations.
Just before the camp was finally liquidated, some inmates escaped individually or in small groups and proceeded to journey to destinations including Spain, Italy, France, Austria or West Germany, to meet up with friends or relatives or in the hopes of improving their prospects.56
Exile
On 29 April the first transport of 1,000 men left the camp for the railway station at Rimini and on 1 May 1947 the Ukrainian SEP’s were transported in groups by rail to Venice where they boarded military transport ships bound for Great Britain. With the departure of the last group on 10 June 1947, the POW enclave at Rimini was dissolved and its contents removed or burned by the work company.
On arrival in Great Britain at Liverpool and Port Glasgow, the soldiers were separated from the officers who were sent to Camp No. 17 in Sheffield. The remainder were sent to POW camps throughout England and Scotland, the largest of which was Camp No. 82 Hempton Green, Hempton, Fakenham in Norfolk which at its peak housed in excess of 1,000 inmates57 among them the author’s father. Here they lost their ‘Surrendered Enemy Personnel’ status and were reclassified as ‘Prisoners of War’. The men, many of whom had agricultural experience, were initially contract by the Ministry of Agriculture as farm labourers predominantly in the east of England. The work varied according to the season but involved the digging, widening, deepening or clearing of drainage ditches, laying drains, harvesting of wheat, sugar beet and potatoes, trimming field hedges, mucking out stables and other similar work.
Thereafter they were given the option of working in industry in the north of England or brickyards in the midlands. One group initially numbering a few hundred volunteered for the dangerous task of mine clearance. By 1962, as time passed and men got married and settled down, 113 men were still engaged in this task58 including Roman Dubinyak, Andrij Hucman, Volodymyr Szewczuk and Charlie Lesenko. As members of No. 1 Troop, 49 Explosive Ordnance Disposal Squadron, Royal Engineers, they were based at Chattenden near Rochester in Kent and Felixstowe in Suffolk with around 90 of them continuing in this role until 1986. One of their number who after arriving in England volunteered for this work left the following account:
One day, I heard that the English were picking us ‘sappers’ for a special job. They talked me into it. A few weeks later our group combed the English coast. Expecting the German invasion the English laid on the shore and in the shallow waters so many mines that they could not cope with the task of clearing them. There had been peace for two years but in England nobody dared go near the water—it was dangerous. Charts of minefields were missing and in some cases never drawn, In a word it was a mess.
Last meal whilst taking down tents. When the camp was liquidated all the remains were demolished and burned by the work detail.
End of Rimini Camp as depicted in the camp newspaper.
Waiting to board trains to travel to Venice.
Transport ships in Venice harbour.
Group from the village of Koropets en route to England. Far left at the back Mychailo Kulykowsky. At the back far right is Mychailo Sadiwsky.
Landing at Port Glasgow, 19 May 1947.
Camp no. 17 Sheffield in which the Division’s former officers were interned.
The largest POW camp in which Ukrainians were interned at Hempton Green, Hempton, Fakenham, Norfolk.
A second view of the camp at Hempton Green, Fakenham which at its peak held over 1,000 Ukrainians.