Stalin's Nemesis

by Michael James Melnyk

  206Other candidates for chairman considered by the Ukrainians included Prof. Isaac Mazepa and General V. Petriv.

  207Only Hetman Skoropadsky objected on ideological grounds and because he wanted to head the committee himself.

  208For the meeting between Shandruk and Dr Arlt, see Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; pp. 200-201, and Thorwald, The Illusion …, op cit.; pp. 190-192.

  209Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; p. 202.

  210Thorwald, The Illusion …, op cit.; p. 192.

  211The influence of several factors (and of individuals) contrived to bring about the Reichsführer’s remarkable turnabout in his eastern policy. Himmler who had always regarded Vlasov as a ‘butcher boy’ never fundamentally revised his view. His tactical change came about only after meeting Vlasov on 16 September when he assumed a protectorate over the Vlasov movement which he saw as a means ‘to accelerate Soviet exhaustion’. Himmler believed a united front against Bolshevism to be an ‘inescapable necessity’ and did not favour the creation of a separate Ukrainian National Committee independent of Vlasov as he thought by doing so it would undermine Vlasov’s belief that he had Himmler’s support. He never departed from his original concept and refused to differentiate between the Soviet minorities all of whom he regarded as ‘Russians’. For a graphic illustration of his view see his comment quoted in Thorwald, Ibid., p. 228.

  212Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; p. 203.

  213At first Berger was inclined towards the separatist view of the Ostministerium favouring the non Russian groups partly because of their preponderance in the Waffen-SS. He installed Arlt who was a specialist in the nationalities of the Soviet Union as head of the Eastern Volunteers Desk, and charged him with the task of raising and organising volunteer formations composed of eastern nationals within SS formations.

  214Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; p. 208. The salient arguments regarding the Ukrainian position vis a vis Vlasov are covered in a report to the commander of the German security service in Slovakia, Dr Witiska, dated 4.1.45. Interestingly the report contains a revealing comment which gives an insight into the relationship between the UNC and the German government which reads ‘although the Ukrainian national government has strong leanings towards Germany, they do not want to make this too obvious, as they still reckon with an outcome of the war which is not in Germany’s favour. If this comes about, the Ukrainian national government does not want to be considered to be too closely associated with the Reich as this might make them unpopular with their fellow countrymen.’ R70 Slowakei/223, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, Der Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei u. d. SD in der Slowakei, Sonderkommando z. b. V. 15 O.U. 4.1.45, III Tgb. Nr.197/45, Am./Ha. SA.

  215The meeting took place on 30 January 1945. For Shandruks’ account of it see Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; pp. 219-222.

  216Dallin, German …, op cit.; p. 646. In his memoirs Shandruk omits any mention of the compromise variants or deals that were discussed. According to his account, Vlasov wanted Shandruk’s Ukrainian Committee to merge with his own Ukrainian Committee and emphasised several times that if this were to occur, Shandruk would be his ‘first deputy not only in military but also in political matters’. Shandruk declined the offer but did however agree that in the interests of the struggle against a common enemy that he was prepared to co-ordinate the military activities of the two committees and to this end exchange liaison officers or even delegates with the Russian National Committee and with the other national groups. Shandruk, Arms …, op cit.; pp. 220-221.

  217When informed of it by Ribbentrop, Hitler is said to have retorted ‘Stop playing games’. Dallin, German …, op cit.; p. 646.

  218Ibid.

  219It is interesting to note that Jürgen Thorwald credits the efforts of Dr Fritz Arlt with having successfully assured the reorganisation of the Division after Brody, the change of name, the new wording for the oath and the introduction of Ukrainian national flags and the Ukrainian national anthem. See Thorwald, The Illusion …, op cit.; pp. 233-234.

  220According to Jurij Krohmaliuk, Freitag relayed this information to him and Lubomyr Makarushka, Jurij Krohmaliuk, Visti Kombatanta #3, 1983, p. 54.

  221These were ‘Deutschland, Deutschland über alles’ and the ‘Horst Wessel Lied’ Die Fahne hoch (Raise the Flag!).

  222Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; pp. 70-71.

  223From the very outset the German authorities had actively discouraged the use of the Trident which signified Ukrainian nationalist aspirations although in practice it had never been possible to enforce this regulation. See Governor Wächter’s secret circular instruction, Der Gouverneur des Distrikt Galizien Betr: TGB.N.10443G Aufstellung der SS-Schützen Division Galizien’: SA.

  224The German text was: ‘Ich schwöre bei Gott diesen heiligen Eid, dass ich im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, zur Befreiung meines ukrainischen Volkes, meiner ukrainischen Heimat, dem Obersten Befehlshaber der deutschen Wehrmacht und aller Kämpfer der jungen europäischen Völker gegen den Bolschewismus, Adolf Hitler, unbedingten Gehorsam leiste und als tapferer Kämpfer bereit sein will, jederzeit für diesen Eid mein Leben einzusetzen’. It is known that the oath incorporating the new wording was first sworn by soldiers of the Division in Slovakia. A copy of the oath with this wording was pasted into the back of each soldiers Soldbuch in one of three forms; German, Ukrainian or transliterated from the Cyrillic (i.e.; Ukrainian) to the Latin alphabet. The author has in his personal archive original examples of all three types. Himmler officially authorised this oath on 16 February 1945, for details see ‘An den Reichsführer-SS und Reichsminister des Innern’ den 5.2.1945, NS19/544, BA-KO.

  225The change was officially noted in the publication Verordnungsblatt der Waffen-SS, by the Verbindungsoffizier der SS beim OKH, [Tg.Buch-Nr VOSS 862g, v. 12.11.44 and VOSS 2470g v, 25.11.44, AA. A copy of this document can be found in the Document N 756/170 (Sammlung Vopersal), BA-MA.

  226Following on from the change in title, each of the three infantry regiments (WGR 29, WGR 30 and WGR 31) was redesignated WGR Ukr 1, 2 and 3)- therefore WGR 31 became Ukr. Rgt. No. 3. For example Abschrift von Abschrift III./Waffen-Gren.Rgt. der SS Nr.31 (ukrain Nr.3) Kommandeur O.U., den 3.12.44. Strafverfugung An SS-Untersturmführer Schmidt, Edmund geb. 6.11.1915, 9./Waffen-Gren.Rgt der SS Nr 31 ukrain. Nr.3.

  227‘Beurteilung für den SS-Hauptsturmführer Wiens’ 1376, Div.St.Qu., 15.11.44. AA.

  228Divisional orders, rubber stamps on citations and personal documents issued to members of the Division provide ample evidence that in some quarters use of the old title continued until the end of the war.

  229These were given during training courses.

  230Abschrift, 14.Waffen-Gren.Div.der SS (ukrain. Nr.1), VI, Div.St.Qu.,d.17.11.44, Betr.: Weltanschauliche. SA.

  231Freitag continued to repeatedly emphasise the importance of the appropriate political leadership and the doctrinal education of the troops, via the so called ‘Weltanschaulichen’ [political doctrine] lectures, threatening those guilty of ‘poor’ political leadership with punishment for dereliction of duty. See 14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (galiz.Nr.1), Div.St.Qu.,d.28.10.44, commander, 1357/44. Further specific details of the ‘New Europe’ motif are given in ‘14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (ukrain.Nr.1) VI; 7.12.44, Betr.: Richtlinien für die weltanschauliche Erziehung in der 14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (Ukrain.Nr.1) vom 9.9.44. Thema: Das Reich als Führungsmacht in Europa (das neue Europa)’. SA. In reality the Ukrainian officers ignored this edict and instead spoke with the troops about the Ukrainian situation or history. The Germans also ignored this instruction partly because of the language barriers, partly because of the distances involved between units and lastly because they were lazy.

  232See Div.St.Qu.,d.14.Waffen-Gren.Div der SS (ukrain.Nr.1) VI; Div.St.Qu.,d.17.11.44; Betr.: Weltanschauliche Erziehung. SA.

  23314.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (galiz.Nr.1) Kommandeur. Div.St.Qu.,d.10.11.44. An original copy of this document is in the Schevchenko Archive in London.

  234The commander of Section VI (Spiritual Ca
re, Education, Entertainment and Information, Recreation) SS-Sturmbannführer Karl-Robert Zoglauer gave a similar directive. Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 85.

  235Ibid., pp. 84-85.

  236Friedrich Bessel, born 18.11.1911, Herne, Westphalia Germany, holder of the EK1 (awarded 9.11.44).

  237Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; pp. 12-13 and verbally to author M. Scharko, 12 March 2000. Ultimately after strong and continued pressure from the Ukrainians led by Waffen-Obersturmführer Makarushka, in spring of 1945 Bessel was reassigned to another unit.

  238The Hauptamt SS-Gericht (SS-Legal Department administering the special disciplinary and penal code governing all SS and Polizei personnel). Its head was SS-Obergruppenführer Franz Breithaupt.

  23914.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (ukr.Nr.1), Kommandeur, O.U., den 7. Dezember 1944, An den Richter beim Reichsführer-SS zur Vorlage beim Reichsführer-SS, Kdo.Stelle Reichsführer-SS, Nachrichtlich an 1. Gericht d. deutschen Befehlshabers in der Slowakei, Pressburg, 2. Hauptamt SS-Gericht Prien/Chiemsee. Berlin Document Centre, NS 7/75.

  240This incident occurred in 6./II./WGR 30 commanded by Waffen-Untersturmführer Andrij Pytlar. Verbally to author M. Scharko, 3 November 2014.

  241Verbally to author M. Scharko, 4 December 1999 and 27 January 2000. For details of one of the men required to produce the actual reports see the article by Dmytro Bojko, entitled ‘Moye perebuvannia v Dyviziyi i poza neyu’, Visti Kombatanta, Nr.4, 1999.

  242For example former land surveyor and Brody veteran Waffen-Obersturmführer Paul Sumarokiv was appointed liaison officer for WGR 30. Verbally to author M. Scharko, 6 October 2014.

  243Letter to author Bohdan Kutny, 12 October 1998. This is confirmed in Heike’s memoirs Eng. ed.; op cit.; p. 88 and also in Schmitt, Pioniereinheiten …, op cit.; pp. 9-10.

  244For example within the Pioneer Battalion a fourth platoon was set up for every company, equipped with three mortars, and an sMG. Ibid.

  245Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 89.

  246The battle group’s HQ was in Banska Stiavnica as confirmed by Zenon Kuk who was appointed ‘officer for special orders’, Kuk, The 5 ..., op cit.; pp. 23-24.

  247Keczun, Memoir, op cit.; p. 22.

  248Kormylo, Memoirs of a Forgotten ..., op cit.; pp. 59-63.

  249Drazniowsky, Kampfgruppe Wildner, op cit.; pp. 1-2. Verbally to author, 13 March 1994, letter 29 June 1994.

  250For a German account of this local action see Tieke and Rebstock. ... im Letzten …, pp. 130-132.

  251Ibid. The Ukrainian battlegroup’s ‘Funkers’ (radio operators) were able to assist their colleagues by intercepting Soviet radio communications and feeding them falsified reports confirming that they were surrounded and should withdraw. Letter to author M. Klymchuk, 7 May 1997.

  252Verbally to author R. Drazniowsky, 13 March 1997.

  253Keczun, op cit.; p. 22.

  254Interview M. Klymchuk, London, 29 April 1997.

  255Reference to the speech is made in the teleprinter message from SS-Obersturmbannführer Dr Witiska to SS-Brigadeführer Bierkamp oViA Kracow, II B L.N. 807, Pressburg, am 17 Januar 1945, R70 Slowakei/223. BA-KO.

  256O. Lysiak, letter to author, 19 April 1997. Only ten editions of Do Boyu [Zum Kampf] (To Battle), appeared before Germany capitulated. At first the paper was published in Vienna but as transport became increasingly difficult it moved its base once again this time to Maribor. The last edition was dated 6 May 1945, two days before Germany signed surrender terms. The former editor of the paper Mychailo Ostroverkha suggests that the publication of an article in Do Peremohy against ‘Vlasov’s Army’ had caused problems with its German censor SS-Untersturmführer Kretz which brought about its relaunch under a new name. (See Memoirs of M. Ostroverkha Do Peremohy (To Victory) Visti Kombatanta Nr.’s. 2. pp. 39-48, Nr.3, pp. 27-35 Nr.5-6, pp. 71-82. 1972.

  257The group was led by Prof. Lew Turkewych the musical director of the L’viv opera and featured two soloist singers from it–Reinarovych and Starycky and the prima-ballerina Roma Pryima.

  258See Stephan Wolynetz, Report on the Trip to the III./Battalion of the 14.Ersatz Regiment During Christmas Holidays 1944/1945. Berlin den 11.1.1945. SA. In his report Wolynetz relates that Slovak community leaders including the mayor, the notary and senior officials of the Hlinka-Guard, were present at a Mass which was held for the battalion in the local Catholic Church, and later as guests at a special Christmas lunch.

  259Dmytro Ferkuniak writes that these individuals came to Slovakia not to encourage the troops but to purchase commodities that were not available elsewhere. Ferkuniak, Spomyny …, op cit.; p. 31. The Military Board had continued to maintain regular contact with the Division even after the forced relocation of its head quarters to the as yet un-threatened part of the General Governement in the wake of the Soviet advances of the summer and autumn of 1944, and later to Germany. From this time on, like its sister civilian organisation the UCC, it devoted much of its time to giving assistance and looking after the welfare of Ukrainian refugees who had fled to the west.

  260During the Christmas lunch of the staff company of the III./battalion of the 14.Ersatz Regiment, the question of the Division’s relationship with Vlasov’s movement arose stimulating heated debate between the West Ukrainians and the east Ukrainian soldiers. The east Ukrainians believed that all the Ukrainians should actively cooperate with and under the overall direction of Vlasov. This view, which was popular amongst the numerous former officers and NCOs of the Soviet Army, was rejected by the west Ukrainians who remained suspicious of the ‘Pan-Slavic’ concept expounded by Vlasov. Echoing Shandruk’s position, they contended that subordination to Vlasov should not be compulsory for Ukrainian units, but those wishing to do so should be allowed to transfer to Vlasov and his command. See Stephan Wolynetz ‘Report on the Trip to the III./battalion of the 14.Ersatz Regiment During Christmas Holidays 1944/1945’. Berlin den 11.1.1945. SA.

  261Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 84.

  262Born 5 July 1894, SS Nr.422296, Party Nr.6289103. After holding posts within the civilian administration in Bohemia and Moravia, Dr Josef Witiska took up his appointment as KdS (Kommandeur der Sicherheitspolizei) in Galicia in early March 1943. With the loss of Galicia in the summer of 1944 to the Soviets, Witiska transferred to Slovakia where he effectively became the BdS (Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei) for Slowakei and thus was responsible for all internal security matters within that country. As part of his associated duties he commanded Einsatzgruppe H which was involved in the ruthless suppression of the ill-fated Slovak uprising.

  263In his three page report, SS-Obersturmbannführer Witiska writes that in his speeches to the officers and men of the Division, Bisanz did not clearly spell out his opinion, while Kubijovych who also spoke, said that he felt ‘the Ukrainian question would soon come to a proper solution’. With regard to German Ukrainian relations within the formation Witiska noted ‘even the Ukrainians who finished the German training courses are looked down upon by the Germans.’ It goes on to mention that rumours were circulating that the Division would be subordinated to Vlasov, a factor which explained why more of its soldiers were willing to desert to the UPA. See An das Reichssicherheitshauptamt–IV N–z.Hd.v. SS-Gruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Polizei Müller Berlin, -N- Tgb.Nr.93/44g, Geheim, 26.1.1945, Betrifft: SS-Schützen-Division-Galizien, jetzt 1.ukrain.Division, R70 Slowakei/223m, BA-KO.

  264On this occasion the support units included the second company of the Pioneer Battalion which arrived at the Slovakian Hungarian border in January 1945 but encountered no enemy forces and was ordered to return to Vrutky on foot. Schmitt, Pioniereinheiten …, op cit.; p. 9.

  265According to the Julian Calendar adopted by the Orthodox church, Ukrainian New Year is celebrated on 14 January.

  266Emergency cans of food that could not be eaten without an order which each soldier carried in his pack.

  267Verbally to author J. Wenger, 13 October 2014, and Memoir, p. 67.

  268Not all services were this lavish althoug
h in Vrutky the whole Pioneer Battalion (including some of its German personnel) took part in a similar church service held beside the River Nitra before a cross fabricated from blocks of ice. Letters to the author B. Kutny, 25 June 1994 and 30 October 1995. For a German account of Christmas/New Year period see Weihnachten 1944 in der Gegend der Hohen Tatra, Ludwig Hummer, ‘Der Freiwillige’ Nr.12, 1993.

  269Letter to author E. Shypailo, 21 September 1994.

  270Kormylo, Memoirs of a Forgotten ..., op cit.; pp. 64-65.

  3: Operations Against Tito’s Communist Partisans

  1SS-Führungshauptamt, 5 Sept 1944, Amt II Org.Abt.Ia/II Tgb.Nr.2880/44 g.Kdos. Betr.; Re-formation of the 14.Waffen-Gren.Div. der SS (galizische Nr.1). NA, T175 roll 141, frames 2669182–2669183.

  2Between August and November the reforming was carried out under the Commander in Chief of the replacement Army (Himmler). From December to March 1945, it was supervised directly by the SS-FHA which signified that it was ready for operations.

  3Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 87.

  4Erwin Rösener, born 2 February 1902, Westfalen died 31 August 1946. Joined the NSDAP 1926 SS Nr.3,575. SS-Obergruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Polizei und Waffen-SS. HSSPF Yugoslavia. Ruth Bettina Birn: Die Höheren SS-und Polizeiführer: Himmler’s Vertreter im Reich und in den besetzten Gebieten, Droste Verlag GmbH, Düsseldorf, 1986, p. 345. On 17 May 1945, Rösener was arrested by the Field Security Services, of the British 78 Division, in hospital in Spittal masquerading as a private soldier. For a detailed account of his capture and preliminary interrogation see the War Diary of 5 Corps, WO 170/4241, NA, PRO, Kew.

  5Heike, Eng. ed., op cit.; p. 91.

  6Ibid.

  7Ibid., p. 96. In the same way that Koppe and Höfle when experiencing difficulties with partisan forces in the General Governement and Slovakia respectively, had, on request, been allocated the whole or part of the Galician Division by the Reichsführer-SS, Heike states that the Division was moved to Slovenia at the demand of Rösener.