Delphi Complete Works of Polybius

by Polybius

  [1] ἀκαιρίαν τὰ μέλλοντα ῥηθήσεσθαι. τῆς γὰρ Θρᾴκης κύκλῳ περιεχούσης αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν οὕτως ὥστ᾽ ἐκ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν καθήκειν, ἀίδιον ἔχουσι πόλεμον καὶ δυσχερῆ πρὸς τούτους. [2] οὔτε γὰρ παρασκευασάμενοι καὶ κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν εἰσάπαξ ἀποτρίψασθαι τὸν πόλεμον οἷοί τ᾽ εἰσὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τῶν ὄχλων καὶ τῶν δυναστῶν: [3] ἐὰν τοῦ γὰρ ἑνὸς περιγένωνται, τρεῖς ἐπιβαίνουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν τούτων χώραν ἄλλοι βαρύτεροι δυνάσται. [4] καὶ μὴν οὐδ᾽ εἴξαντες καὶ συγκαταβάντες εἰς φόρους καὶ συνθήκας οὐδὲν ποιοῦσι πλέον: ἂν γὰρ ἑνὶ πρόωνταί τι, πενταπλασίους δι᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πολεμίους εὑρίσκουσι. [5] διόπερ ἀιδίῳ συνέχονται καὶ δυσχερεῖ πολέμῳ: τί γὰρ ἐπισφαλέστερον ἀστυγείτονος καὶ βαρβάρου πολέμου; [6] τί δεινότερον; οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις τὸ παράπαν κακοῖς παλαίοντες κατὰ γῆν, χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρεπομένων τῷ πολέμῳ κακῶν, ὑπομένουσί τινα καὶ τιμωρίαν Ταντάλειον κατὰ τὸν ποιητήν: [7] ἔχοντες γὰρ χώραν γενναιοτάτην, ὅταν διαπονήσωσι ταύτην καὶ γένηται τὸ τῶν καρπῶν πλῆθος τῷ κάλλει διαφέρον, κἄπειτα παραγενηθέντες οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς μὲν καταφθείρωσι, τοὺς δὲ συναθροίσαντες ἀποφέρωσι, [8] τότε δὴ χωρὶς τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ τὴν καταφθορὰν θεώμενοι διὰ τὸ κάλλος τῶν καρπῶν σχετλιάζουσι καὶ βαρέως φέρουσι τὸ συμβαῖνον. [9] ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν πόλεμον κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν ἀναφέροντες ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δικαίων πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας: [10] προσεπιγενομένων δὲ Γαλατῶν αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ Κομοντόριον

  45. They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the Byzantines have a perpetual and dangerous war continually on hand with the Thracians. For they are unable once for all to arm and repel them by a single decisive battle, owing to the number of their people and chiefs. For if they conquer one chief, three others still more formidable invade their territory. Nor again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at once five times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I say, they are burdened by a perpetual and dangerous war: for what can be more hazardous or more formidable than a war with barbarians living on your borders? Nay, it is not only this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart from the evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in possession of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have they expended their labour upon it and been rewarded by crops of the finest quality, than the barbarians sweep down, and either destroy them, or collect and carry them off; and then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour and expense, the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still, habit making them able to endure the war with the Thracians, they maintained their original connexions with the other Greeks; but when to their other misfortunes was added the attack of the Gauls under Comontorius, they were reduced to a sad state of distress indeed.

  [1] εἰς πᾶν ἦλθον περιστάσεως. οὗτοι δ᾽ ἐκίνησαν μὲν ἅμα τοῖς περὶ Βρέννον ἐκ τῆς οἰκείας, διαφυγόντες δὲ τὸν περὶ Δελφοὺς κίνδυνον, καὶ παραγενόμενοι πρὸς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, εἰς μὲν τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐκ ἐπεραιώθησαν, αὐτοῦ δὲ κατέμειναν διὰ τὸ φιλοχωρῆσαι τοῖς περὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον τόποις. [2] οἳ καὶ κρατήσαντες τῶν Θρᾳκῶν, καὶ κατασκευασάμενοι βασίλειον τὴν Τύλιν, εἰς ὁλοσχερῆ κίνδυνον ἦγον τοὺς Βυζαντίους. [3] κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὰς ἀρχὰς ἐν ταῖς ἐφόδοις αὐτῶν ταῖς κατὰ Κομοντόριον τὸν πρῶτον βασιλεύσαντα δῶρα διετέλουν οἱ Βυζάντιοι διδόντες ἀνὰ τρισχιλίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ μυρίους χρυσοῦς, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μὴ καταφθείρειν τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν. [4] τέλος δ᾽ ἠναγκάσθησαν ὀγδοήκοντα τάλαντα συγχωρῆσαι φόρον τελεῖν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἕως εἰς Καύαρον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ κατελύθη μὲν ἡ βασιλεία, τὸ δὲ γένος αὐτῶν ἐξεφθάρη πᾶν, ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἐπικρατηθέν. [5] ἐν οἷς καιροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν φόρων πιεζούμενοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν καὶ συγχορηγεῖν εἰς τοὺς περιεστῶτας καιρούς: [6] τῶν δὲ πλείστων παρολιγωρούντων, ἐνεχείρησαν ἀπαναγκασθέντες παρ

  46. These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and having survived the battle at Delphi and made their way to the Hellespont, instead of crossing to Asia, were captivated by the beauty of the district round Byzantium, and settled there. Then, having conquered the Thracians and erected Tyle into a capital, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. In their earlier attacks, made under the command of Comontorius their first king, the Byzantines always bought them off by presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even ten thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating their territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay them a yearly tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus, in whose reign their kingdom came to an end; and their whole tribe, being in their turn conquered by the Thracians, were entirely annihilated. It was in these times, then, that being hard pressed by the payment of these exactions, the Byzantines first sent embassies to the Greek states with a prayer for aid and support in their dangerous situation: but being disregarded by the greater number, they, under pressure of necessity, attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the Pontus.

  [1] αγωγιάζειν τοὺς εἰς τὸν Πόντον πλέοντας. μεγάλης δὲ γενομένης τῆς ἀλυσιτελείας καὶ δυσχρηστίας πᾶσιν ἐκ τοῦ τέλος πράττειν τοὺς Βυζαντίους τῶν ἐξαγομένων ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου, δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο, καὶ πάντες ἐνεκάλουν οἱ πλοϊζόμενοι τοῖς Ῥοδίοις διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τούτους προεστάναι τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη φῦναι τὸν πόλεμον, [2] ὑπὲρ οὗ νῦν ἡμεῖς ἱστορεῖν μέλλομεν. οἱ γὰρ Ῥόδιοι, [3] συνεξεγερθέντες ἅμα μὲν διὰ τὴν σφετέραν βλάβην, ἅμα δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν πέλας ἐλάττωσιν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παραλαβόντες τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς τοὺς Βυζαντίους, ἀξιοῦντες καταλύσειν αὐτοὺς τὸ παραγώγιον: [4] οὐκ ἐντρεπομένων δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀλλὰ πεπεισμένων δίκα
ια λέγειν ἐκ τῆς ἀντικαταστάσεως τῆς γενομένης παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἑκατόδωρον καὶ Ὀλυμπιόδωρον πρὸς τοὺς τῶν Ῥοδίων πρεσβευτάς — [5] οὗτοι γὰρ τότε προέστησαν τοῦ τῶν Βυζαντίων πολιτεύματος — τότε μὲν ἀπηλλάγησαν οἱ Ῥόδιοι περάναντες οὐδέν, [6] ἐπανελθόντες δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς Βυζαντίοις διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. [7] καὶ παραυτίκα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστελλον πρὸς Προυσίαν, παρακαλοῦντες καὶ τοῦτον εἰς τὸν πόλεμον: ᾔδεσαν γὰρ τὸν Προυσίαν παρατριβόμενον ἔκ τινων πρὸς τοὺς

  47. Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon goods brought from the Pontus, being a heavy loss and burden to everybody, was universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly an appeal from all those engaged in the trade was made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged masters of the sea: and it was from this circumstance that the war originated of which I am about to speak.

  For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred by themselves, as well as that of their neighbours, at first joined their allies in an embassy to Byzantium, and demanded the abolition of the impost. The Byzantines refused compliance, being persuaded that they were in the right by the arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus and Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The Rhodian envoys accordingly departed without effecting their object. But upon their return home, war was at once voted against Byzantium on these grounds; and messengers were immediately despatched to Prusias inviting his co-operation in the war: for they knew that Prusias was from various causes incensed with the Byzantines.

  [1] Βυζαντίους. τὸ δὲ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν καὶ Βυζάντιοι: πρός τε γὰρ Ἄτταλον καὶ πρὸς Ἀχαιὸν ἔπεμπον πρέσβεις, δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν. [2] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἄτταλος ἦν πρόθυμος, εἶχε δὲ βραχεῖαν τότε ῥοπήν, ὡς ἂν ὑπ᾽ Ἀχαιοῦ συνεληλαμένος εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρχήν: [3] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀχαιός, κρατῶν μὲν τῆς ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου, βασιλέα δὲ προσφάτως αὑτὸν ἀναδεδειχώς, ἐπηγγέλλετο βοηθήσειν. [4] ὑπάρχων δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς προαιρέσεως, τοῖς μὲν Βυζαντίοις μεγάλην ἐλπίδα παρεσκεύαζε, τοῖς δὲ Ῥοδίοις καὶ Προυσίᾳ τἀναντία κατάπληξιν. [5] Ἀχαιὸς γὰρ ἦν μὲν Ἀντιόχου συγγενὴς τοῦ παρειληφότος τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλείαν, ἐγκρατὴς δ᾽ ἐγένετο τῆς προειρημένης δυναστείας διά τινας τοιαύτας αἰτίας. [6] Σελεύκου μεταλλάξαντος τὸν βίον, ὃς ἦν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ προειρημένου πατήρ, διαδεξαμένου δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Σελεύκου πρεσβυτάτου τῶν υἱῶν, ἅμα τούτῳ διὰ τὴν οἰκειότητα συνυπερέβαλε τὸν Ταῦρον, δυσὶ μάλιστά πως ἔτεσι πρότερον τῶν νῦν λεγομένων καιρῶν. [7] Σέλευκος γὰρ ὁ νέος ὡς θᾶττον παρέλαβε τὴν βασιλείαν, πυνθανόμενος Ἄτταλον πᾶσαν ἤδη τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείαν ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν πεποιῆσθαι, παρωρμήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν. [8] ὑπερβαλὼν δὲ μεγάλῃ δυνάμει τὸν Ταῦρον, καὶ δολοφονηθεὶς ὑπό τ᾽ Ἀπατουρίου τοῦ Γαλάτου καὶ Νικάνορος, μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον. [9] Ἀχαιὸς δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀναγκαιότητα τὸν φόνον αὐτοῦ μετῆλθε παραχρῆμα, τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικάνορα καὶ τὸν Ἀπατούριον ἀποκτείνας, τῶν τε δυνάμεων καὶ τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων φρονίμως καὶ μεγαλοψύχως προέστη. [10] τῶν γὰρ καιρῶν παρόντων αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τῶν ὄχλων ὁρμῆς συνεργούσης εἰς τὸ διάδημα περιθέσθαι, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ προείλετο ποιῆσαι, τηρῶν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τῶν υἱῶν, ἐνεργῶς ἐπιπορευόμενος ἀνεκτᾶτο τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου πᾶσαν. [11] τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων αὐτῷ παραδόξως εὐροούντων, ἐπεὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄτταλον εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ Πέργαμον συνέκλεισε, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν πάντων ἦν ἐγκρατής, ἐπαρθεὶς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι παρὰ πόδας ἐξώκειλε. [12] καὶ διάδημα περιθέμενος καὶ βασιλέα προσαγορεύσας αὑτὸν βαρύτατος ἦν τότε καὶ φοβερώτατος τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν: [13] ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τότε Βυζάντιοι πιστεύσαντες ἀνεδέξαντο τὸν πρὸς τοὺς Ῥοδίους καὶ Προυσίαν πόλεμον.

  48. The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by sending to Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance. For his part Attalus was ready enough to give it: but his importance was small, because he had been reduced within the limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this side Taurus, and had recently established his regal power, promised assistance; and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians and Prusias. Achaeus was a relation of the Antiochus who had just succeeded to the kingdom of Syria; and he became possessed of the dominion I have mentioned through the following circumstances. After the death of Seleucus, father of the above-named Antiochus, and the succession of his eldest son Seleucus to the throne, Achaeus accompanied the latter in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years before the period of which we are speaking. For as soon as Seleucus the younger had succeeded to the kingdom he learnt that Attalus had already reduced all Asia on this side of Taurus under his power; and being accordingly eager to support his own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army. There he was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul, and Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly revenged his murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and taking supreme command of the army and administration, conducted it with wisdom and integrity. For the opportunity was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common soldiers was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. Meeting however with unexpected success, — for he shut up Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all the rest of the country, — he was puffed up by his good fortune, and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy. He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings and princes this side Taurus. This was the man on whose help the Byzantines relied when they undertook the war against the Rhodians and Prusias.

  [1] ὁ δὲ Προυσίας ἐνεκάλει μὲν πρότερον τοῖς Βυζαντίοις ὅτι ψηφισαμένων τινὰς εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ ταύτας οὐκ ἀνετίθεσαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἐπισυρμὸν καὶ λήθην ἄγοιεν, [2] δυσηρέστει δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ πᾶσαν προσενέγκασθαι φιλονεικίαν εἰ�
� τὸ διαλῦσαι τὴν Ἀχαιοῦ πρὸς Ἄτταλον ἔχθραν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον, νομίζων κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους ἀλυσιτελῆ τοῖς αὑτοῦ πράγμασιν ὑπάρχειν τὴν ἐκείνων φιλίαν. [3] ἠρέθιζε δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν Βυζαντίους πρὸς μὲν Ἄτταλον εἰς τοὺς τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἀγῶνας τοὺς συνθύσοντας ἐξαπεσταλκέναι, πρὸς αὐτὸν δ᾽ εἰς τὰ Σωτήρια μηδένα πεπομφέναι. [4] διόπερ ἐκ πάντων τούτων ὑποικουρουμένης παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς ὀργῆς, ἄσμενος ἐπελάβετο τῆς τῶν Ῥοδίων προφάσεως, καὶ συγκαταθέμενος τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἐκείνους μὲν ᾤετο δεῖν κατὰ θάλατταν πολεμεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατὰ γῆν οὐκ ἐλάττω βλάψειν ἔδοξε τοὺς ὑπεναντίους. [5] ὁ μὲν οὖν Ῥοδίων πρὸς Βυζαντίους πόλεμος