Delphi Complete Works of Polybius

by Polybius

  [1] τοιαύτη τις ἦν. Ἀντίοχος δὲ συνεσταμένος πολιορκίαν περὶ τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν Δῶρα, καὶ περαίνειν οὐδὲν δυνάμενος διά τε τὴν ὀχυρότητα τοῦ τόπου καὶ τὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Νικόλαον παραβοηθείας, [2] συνάπτοντος ἤδη τοῦ χειμῶνος, συνεχώρησε ταῖς παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβείαις ἀνοχάς τε ποιήσασθαι τετραμήνους καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων εἰς πάντα συγκαταβήσεσθαι τὰ φιλάνθρωπα. [3] ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔπραττε πλεῖστον μὲν ἀπέχων τῆς ἀληθείας, σπεύδων δὲ μὴ πολὺν χρόνον ἀποσπᾶσθαι τῶν οἰκείων τόπων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ ποιήσασθαι τὴν τῶν δυνάμεων παραχειμασίαν διὰ τὸ προφανῶς τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπιβουλεύειν μὲν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι, συνεργεῖν δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁμολογουμένως. [4] τούτων δὲ συγχωρηθέντων Ἀντίοχος τοὺς μὲν πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψε, παραγγείλας διασαφεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν ταχίστην τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ συνάπτειν εἰς Σελεύκειαν: [5] ἀπολιπὼν δὲ φυλακὰς τὰς ἁρμοζούσας ἐν τοῖς τόποις, καὶ παραδοὺς Θεοδότῳ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἐπιμέλειαν, ἐπανῆλθε: καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν διαφῆκε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν. [6] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη τοῦ μὲν γυμνάζειν τοὺς ὄχλους ὠλιγώρει, πεπεισμένος οὐ προσδεήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα μάχης διὰ τὸ τινῶν μὲν μερῶν Κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης ἤδη κυριεύειν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐλπίζειν ἐξ ἑκόντων καὶ διὰ λόγου παραλήψεσθαι, [7] μὴ τολμώντων τὸ παράπαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον εἰς τὸν περὶ τῶν ὅλων συγκαταβαίνειν κίνδυνον. [8] ταύτην δὲ συνέβαινε τὴν διάληψιν καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἔχειν διὰ τὸ τὰς ἐντεύξεις αὐτοῖς τὸν Σωσίβιον ἐν τῇ Μέμφει προκαθήμενον φιλανθρώπους ποιεῖσθαι, [9] τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν παρασκευῶν μηδέποτε τοὺς διαπεμπομένους πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐᾶν αὐτόπτας γενέσθαι.

  66. Meanwhile Antiochus had been engaged in the siege of Dura: but the strength of the place and the support given it by Nicolaus prevented him from effecting anything; and as the winter was closing in, he agreed with the ambassadors of Ptolemy to a suspension of hostilities for four months, and promised that he would discuss the whole question at issue in a friendly spirit. But he was as far as possible from being sincere in this negotiation: his real object was to avoid being detained any length of time from his own country, and to be able to place his troops in winter quarters in Seleucia; because Achaeus was now notoriously plotting against him, and without disguise co-operating with Ptolemy. So having come to this agreement, Antiochus dismissed the ambassadors with injunctions to acquaint him as soon as possible with the decision of Ptolemy, and to meet him at Seleucia. He then placed the necessary guards in the various strongholds, committed to Theodotus the command-in-chief over them all, and returned home. On his arrival at Seleucia he distributed his forces into their winter quarters; and from that time forth took no pains to keep the mass of his army under discipline, being persuaded that the business would not call for any more fighting; because he was already master of some portions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and expected to secure the rest by voluntary submission or by diplomacy: for Ptolemy, he believed, would not venture upon a general engagement. This opinion was shared also by the ambassadors: because Sosibius fixing his residence at Memphis conducted his negotiations with them in a friendly manner; while he prevented those who went backwards and forwards to Antiochus from ever becoming eye-witnesses of the preparations that were being carried on at Alexandria. Nay, even by the time that the ambassadors arrived, Sosibius was already prepared for every eventuality.

  [1] πλὴν καὶ τότε τῶν πρέσβεων ἀφικομένων οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον ἕτοιμοι πρὸς πᾶν, [2] ὁ δ᾽ Ἀντίοχος μεγίστην ἐποιεῖτο σπουδὴν εἰς τὸ καθάπαξ καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ τοῖς δικαίοις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐντεύξεων καταπεριεῖναι τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας. [3] ᾗ καὶ παραγενομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν, καὶ συγκαταβαινόντων εἰς τοὺς κατὰ μέρος ὑπὲρ τῆς διαλύσεως λόγους κατὰ τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον ἐντολάς, [4] ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς τὸ μὲν ἄρτι γεγονὸς ἀτύχημα καὶ προφανὲς ἀδίκημα περὶ τῆς ἐνεστώσης καταλήψεως τῶν περὶ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπων οὐ δεινὸν ἐνόμιζε κατὰ τὰς δικαιολογίας, [5] τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἀδικήματι, κατηριθμεῖτο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ὡς καθηκόντων αὐτῷ τινων ἀντιπεποιημένος, [6] τὴν δὲ πρώτην Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ Μονοφθάλμου κατάληψιν καὶ τὴν Σελεύκου δυναστείαν τῶν τόπων τούτων ἐκείνας ἔφη κυριωτάτας εἶναι καὶ δικαιοτάτας κτήσεις, καθ᾽ ἃς αὐτοῖς, οὐ Πτολεμαίῳ, καθήκειν τὰ κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν: [7] καὶ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖον διαπολεμῆσαι πρὸς Ἀντίγονον οὐχ αὑτῷ, Σελεύκῳ δὲ συγκατασκευάζοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν τόπων τούτων. [8] μάλιστα δὲ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπιέζει πάντων τῶν βασιλέων συγχώρημα, καθ᾽ οὓς καιροὺς Ἀντίγονον νικήσαντες, καὶ βουλευόμενοι κατὰ προαίρεσιν ὁμόσε πάντες, Κάσσανδρος, Λυσίμαχος, Σέλευκος, ἔκριναν Σελεύκου τὴν ὅλην Συρίαν ὑπάρχειν. [9] οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τἀναντία τούτων ἐπειρῶντο συνιστάνειν: τό τε γὰρ παρὸν ηὖξον ἀδίκημα καὶ δεινὸν ἐποίουν τὸ γεγονός, εἰς παρασπόνδημα τὴν Θεοδότου προδοσίαν καὶ τὴν ἔφοδον ἀνάγοντες τὴν Ἀντιόχου, [10] προεφέροντο δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου κτήσεις, φάσκοντες ἐπὶ τούτῳ συμπολεμῆσαι Σελεύκῳ Πτολεμαῖον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὴν μὲν ὅλης τῆς Ἀσίας ἀρχὴν Σελεύκῳ περιθεῖναι, τὰ δὲ κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν αὑτῷ κατακτήσασθαι καὶ Φοινίκην. [11] ἐλέγετο μὲν οὖν ταῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις πλεονάκις ὑπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων κατὰ τὰς διαπρεσβείας καὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις, ἐπετελεῖτο δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν, ἅτε τῆς δικαιολογίας γινομένης διὰ τῶν κοινῶν φίλων, μεταξὺ δὲ μηδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος τοῦ δυνησομένου παρακατασχεῖν καὶ κωλῦσαι τὴν τοῦ δοκοῦντος ἀδικεῖν ὁρμήν. [12] μάλιστα δὲ παρεῖχε δυσχρηστία�
� ἀμφοτέροις τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιόν: Πτολεμαῖος μὲν γὰρ ἐσπούδαζε περιλαβεῖν ταῖς συνθήκαις αὐτόν, [13] Ἀντίοχος δὲ καθάπαξ οὐδὲ λόγον ἠνείχετο περὶ τούτων, δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τὸ καὶ τολμᾶν τὸν Πτολεμαῖον περιστέλλειν τοὺς ἀποστάτας καὶ μνήμην ποιεῖσθαι περί τινος τῶν τοιούτων.

  67. Meanwhile Antiochus was extremely anxious to have as much the advantage over the government of Alexandria in diplomatic argument as he had in arms. Accordingly when the ambassadors arrived at Seleucia, and both parties began, in accordance with the instructions of Sosibius, to discuss the clauses of the proposed arrangement in detail, the king made very light of the loss recently sustained by Ptolemy, and the injury which had been manifestly inflicted upon him by the existing occupation of Coele-Syria; and in the pleadings on this subject he refused to look upon this transaction in the light of an injury at all, alleging that the places belonged to him of right. He asserted that the original occupation of the country by Antigonus the One-eyed, and the royal authority exercised over it by Seleucus, constituted an absolutely decisive and equitable claim, in virtue of which Coele-Syria belonged of right to himself and not to Ptolemy; for Ptolemy I. went to war with Antigonus with the view of annexing this country, not to his own government, but to that of Seleucus. But, above all, he pressed the convention entered into by the three kings, Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, when, after having conquered Antigonus, they deliberated in common upon the arrangements to be made, and decided that the whole of Syria should belong to Seleucus. The commissioners of Ptolemy endeavoured to establish the opposite case. They magnified the existing injury, and dilated on its hardship; asserting that the treason of Theodotus and the invasion of Antiochus amounted to a breach of treaty-rights. They alleged the possession of these places in the reign of Ptolemy, son of Lagus; and tried to show that Ptolemy had joined Seleucus in the war on the understanding that he was to invest Seleucus with the government of the whole of Asia, but was to take Coele-Syria and Phoenicia for himself.

  Such were the arguments brought forward by the two contracting parties in the course of the embassies and counter-embassies and conferences. There was no prospect, however, of arriving at any result, because the controversy was conducted, not by the principals, but by the common friends of both; and there was no one to intervene authoritatively to check and control the caprice of the party which they might decide to be in the wrong. But what caused the most insuperable difficulty was the matter of Achaeus. For Ptolemy was eager that the terms of the treaty should include him: while Antiochus would not allow the subject to be so much as mentioned; and was indignant that Ptolemy should venture to protect rebels, or bring such a point into the discussion at all.

  [1] διόπερ ἐπεὶ πρεσβεύοντες μὲν ἅλις εἶχον ἀμφότεροι, πέρας δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὰς συνθήκας, συνῆπτε δὲ τὰ τῆς ἐαρινῆς ὥρας, Ἀντίοχος μὲν συνῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις, ὡς εἰσβαλῶν καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν καὶ καταστρεψόμενος τὰ καταλειπόμενα μέρη τῶν ἐν Κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πραγμάτων, [2] οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁλοσχερέστερον ἐπιτρέψαντες τῷ Νικολάῳ χορηγίας τε παρεῖχον εἰς τοὺς κατὰ Γάζαν τόπους δαψιλεῖς καὶ δυνάμεις ἐξέπεμπον πεζικὰς καὶ ναυτικάς. [3] ὧν προσγενομένων εὐθαρσῶς ὁ Νικόλαος εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐνέβαινε, πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ἑτοίμως αὐτῷ συνεργοῦντος Περιγένους τοῦ ναυάρχου: [4] τοῦτον γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν ναυτικῶν δυνάμεων ἐξαπέστειλαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ἔχοντα καταφράκτους μὲν ναῦς τριάκοντα, φορτηγοὺς δὲ πλείους τῶν τετρακοσίων. [5] Νικόλαος δὲ τὸ μὲν γένος ὑπῆρχεν Αἰτωλός, τριβὴν δὲ καὶ τόλμαν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς οὐδενὸς εἶχεν ἐλάττω τῶν παρὰ Πτολεμαίῳ στρατευομένων. [6] προκαταλαβόμενος δὲ μέρει μέν τινι τὰ κατὰ Πλάτανον στενά, τῇ δὲ λοιπῇ δυνάμει, μεθ᾽ ἧς αὐτὸς ἦν, τὰ περὶ Πορφυρεῶνα πόλιν, ταύτῃ παρεφύλαττε τὴν εἰσβολὴν τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁμοῦ συνορμούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως. [7] Ἀντίοχος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Μάραθον, καὶ παραγενομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἀραδίων ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, οὐ μόνον προσεδέξατο τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν διαφορὰν τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατέπαυσε, διαλύσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ πρὸς τοὺς τὴν ἤπειρον κατοικοῦντας τῶν Ἀραδίων. [8] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ποιησάμενος τὴν εἰσβολὴν κατὰ τὸ καλούμενον Θεοῦ πρόσωπον ἧκε πρὸς Βηρυτόν, Βότρυν μὲν ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ καταλαβόμενος, Τριήρη δὲ καὶ Κάλαμον ἐμπρήσας. [9] ἐντεῦθεν δὲ Νίκαρχον μὲν καὶ Θεόδοτον προαπέστειλε, συντάξας προκαταλαβέσθαι τὰς δυσχωρίας περὶ τὸν Λύκον καλούμενον ποταμόν: αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἀναλαβὼν προῆλθε καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὸν Δαμούραν ποταμόν, συμπαραπλέοντος ἅμα καὶ Διογνήτου τοῦ ναυάρχου. [10] παραλαβὼν δὲ πάλιν ἐντεῦθεν τούς τε περὶ τὸν Θεόδοτον καὶ Νίκαρχον τοὺς ἐκ τῆς δυνάμεως εὐζώνους, ὥρμησε κατασκεψόμενος τὰς προκατεχομένας ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Νικόλαον δυσχωρίας. [11] συνθεωρήσας δὲ τὰς τῶν τόπων ἰδιότητας, τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησε πρὸς τὴν παρεμβολήν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν, καταλιπὼν αὐτοῦ τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ Νίκαρχον ἐπὶ τούτων, προῆγε μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυ

  68. The approach of spring found both sides weary of negotiations, and with no prospect of coming to a conclusion. Antiochus therefore began collecting his forces, with a view of making an invasion by land and sea, and completing his conquest of Coele-Syria. On his part Ptolemy gave the supreme management of the war to Nicolaus, sent abundant provisions to Gaza, and despatched land and sea forces. The arrival of these reinforcements gave Nicolaus courage to enter upon the war: the commander of the navy promptly co-operating with him in carrying out all his orders. This admiral was Perigenes, whom Ptolemy sent out in command of the fleet, consisting of thirty fully decked ships and more than four thousand ships of burden. Nicolaus was by birth an Aetolian, and was the boldest and most experienced officer in the service of Ptolemy. With one division of his army he hastened to seize the pass at Platanus; with the rest, which he personally commanded, he occupied the environs of Porphyrion; and there prepared to resist the invasion of the king: the fleet being also anchored close to him.

  Meanwhile Antiochus had advanced as far as Marathus. On his way he had received a deputation of Aradians, asking for an alliance; and had not only granted their request, but had put an end to a quarrel which they had amongst themselves, by reconciling those of them who lived on the island with those who lived on the mainland. Starting from Marathus he entered the
enemy’s country near the promontory called Theoprosopon, and advanced to Berytus, having seized Botrys on his way, and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From Berytus he sent forward Nicarchus and Theodotus with orders to secure the difficult passes near the river Lyons; while he himself set his army in motion and encamped near the river Damuras: Diognetus, the commander of his navy, coasting along parallel with him all the while. Thence once more, taking with him the divisions commanded by Theodotus and Nicarchus, which were the light troops of the army, he set out to reconnoitre the pass occupied already by Nicolaus. After thoroughly surveying the nature of the ground, he retired to his camp for that day. But on the next, leaving his heavy-armed troops in the charge of Nicarchus, he set out with the rest of his forces to execute his design.

  [1] νάμεως ἐπὶ τὴν προκειμένην χρείαν. τῆς δὲ κατὰ τὸν Λίβανον παρωρείας κατὰ τοὺς τόπους τούτους συγκλειούσης τὴν παραλίαν εἰς στενὸν καὶ βραχὺν τόπον, συμβαίνει καὶ τοῦτον αὐτὸν ῥάχει δυσβάτῳ καὶ τραχείᾳ διεζῶσθαι, στενὴν δὲ καὶ δυσχερῆ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλατταν ἀπολειπούσῃ πάροδον. [2] ἐφ᾽ ᾗ τότε Νικόλαος παρεμβεβληκώς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν τῷ τῶν ἀνδρῶν πλήθει προκατειληφὼς τόπους, τοὺς δὲ ταῖς χειροποιήτοις κατασκευαῖς διησφαλισμένος, ῥᾳδίως ἐπέπειστο κωλύσειν τῆς εἰσόδου τὸν Ἀντίοχον. [3] ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διελὼν εἰς τρία μέρη τὴν δύναμιν τὸ μὲν ἓν Θεοδότῳ παρέδωκε, προστάξας συμπλέκεσθαι καὶ βιάζεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν παρώρειαν τοῦ Λιβάνου, [4] τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον Μενεδήμῳ, διὰ πλειόνων ἐντειλάμενος κατὰ μέσην πειράζειν τὴν ῥάχιν: [5] τὸ δὲ τρίτον πρὸς θάλατταν ἀπένειμε, Διοκλέα τὸν στρατηγὸν τῆς Παραποταμίας ἡγεμόνα συστήσας. [6] αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς θεραπείας εἶχε τὸν μέσον τόπον, πάντα βουλόμενος ἐποπτεύειν καὶ παντὶ τῷ δεομένῳ παραβοηθεῖν. [7] ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἐξηρτυμένοι παρενέβαλον εἰς ναυμαχίαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόγνητον καὶ Περιγένην, συνάπτοντες κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν τῇ γῇ καὶ πειρώμενοι ποιεῖν ὡς ἂν εἰ μίαν ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς πεζομαχίας καὶ ναυμαχίας. [8] πάντων δὲ ποιησαμένων ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς σημείου καὶ παραγγέλματος ἑνὸς τὰς προσβολάς, ἡ μὲν ναυμαχία πάρισον εἶχε τὸν κίνδυνον διὰ τὸ καὶ τῷ πλήθει καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς παραπλήσιον εἶναι τὸ παρ᾽ ἀμφοῖν ναυτικόν, [9] τῶν δὲ πεζῶν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπεκράτουν οἱ τοῦ Νικολάου, συγχρώμενοι ταῖς τῶν τόπων ὀχυρότησι, ταχὺ δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Θεόδοτον ἐκβιασαμένων τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ παρωρείᾳ, κἄπειτα ποιουμένων ἐξ ὑπερδεξίου τὴν ἔφοδον, τραπέντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Νικόλαον ἔφευγον προτροπάδην ἅπαντες. [10] κατὰ δὲ τὴν φυγὴν ἔπεσον μὲν αὐτῶν εἰς δισχιλίους, ζωγρίᾳ δ᾽ ἑάλωσαν οὐκ ἐλάττους τούτων: οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες ἀπεχώρησαν ἐπὶ Σιδῶνος. [11] ὁ δὲ Περιγένης, ἐπικυδέστερος ὢν ταῖς ἐλπίσι κατὰ τὴν ναυμαχίαν, συνθεωρήσας τὸ κατὰ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἐλάττωμα καὶ διατραπείς, ἀσφαλῶς ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν εἰς τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους.