History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

within their proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his character,

  all the barbarian kings who occupied the empire; he built towns and

  fortresses between the point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order,

  with the greater facility, to impede the passage of any new hordes of

  barbarians who might design to assail Italy; and if, toward the latter

  end of his life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of

  cruelty, caused by various jealousies of his people, such as the death

  of Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holiness, every point of his

  character would have deserved the highest praise. By his virtue and

  goodness, not only Rome and Italy, but every part of the western

  empire, freed from the continual troubles which they had suffered from

  the frequent influx of barbarians, acquired new vigor, and began to

  live in an orderly and civilized manner. For surely if any times were

  truly miserable for Italy and the provinces overrun by the barbarians,

  they were those which occurred from Arcadius and Honorius to

  Theodoric. If we only consider the evils which arise to a republic or

  a kingdom by a change of prince or of government; not by foreign

  interference, but by civil discord (in which we may see how even

  slight variations suffice to ruin the most powerful kingdoms or

  states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy and the other Roman

  provinces suffered, when they not only changed their forms of

  government and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes of

  living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes, by

  itself, without being united with others, might, with thinking of it,

  to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the

  strongest minds.

  From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and

  extension of many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia,

  Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were

  Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for

  brevity we omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa,

  Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the

  ruin and restoration of Rome, and of many other cities not previously

  mentioned.

  From this devastation and new population arose new languages, as we

  see in the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which,

  partaking of the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman,

  formed a new manner of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of

  provinces changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for

  France, Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different

  from the ancient; as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the

  Garda, the Archipelago, are names quite different from those which the

  ancients used; while instead of C�sar and Pompey we have Peter,

  Matthew, John, etc.

  Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little

  importance; for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with

  the miracles of the new, very serious troubles and discords were

  created among men. And if the Christians had been united in one faith,

  fewer disorders would have followed; but the contentions among

  themselves, of the churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to

  those of the heretic sects with the Catholics, served in many ways to

  render the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this; having suffered

  more horrors from the Arian sect, whose doctrines were believed by the

  Vandals, than from any avarice or natural cruelty of the people

  themselves. Living amid so many persecutions, the countenances of men

  bore witness of the terrible impressions upon their minds; for besides

  the evils they suffered from the disordered state of the world, they

  scarcely could have recourse to the help of God, in whom the unhappy

  hope for relief; for the greater part of them, being uncertain what

  divinity they ought to address, died miserably, without help and

  without hope.

  Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoric

  deserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years he

  reigned in Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatness

  that her previous sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at his

  death, the kingdom descending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, his

  daughter, and the malice of fortune not being yet exhausted, the old

  evils soon returned; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, and

  the kingdom coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayed

  by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the government. He

  put her to death and made himself king; and having thus become odious

  to the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of

  driving him out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the

  command of this expedition, as he had already conquered Africa,

  expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule.

  Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing into

  Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew

  Theodatus their king, whom they considered the cause of their

  misfortune, and elected Vitiges in his stead, who, after some

  skirmishes, was besieged and taken by Belisarius at Ravenna; but

  before he had time to secure the advantages of his victory, Belisarius

  was recalled by Justinian, and Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in

  his place. Their principles and practices were so different from those

  of Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus,

  governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was slain, came

  Totila, who routed the imperial forces, took Tuscany and Naples, and

  recovered nearly the whole of what Belisarius had taken from them. On

  this account Justinian determined to send him into Italy again; but,

  coming with only a small force, he lost the reputation which his

  former victories had won for him, in less time than he had taken to

  acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took Rome before

  his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave the city, he destroyed

  the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, and took the senators

  away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he led his people into

  Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent from Greece.

  Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to the

  performance of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, he

  determined to rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with as

  little delay as possible. But fortune was opposed to this laudable

  enterprise; for Justinian, being at this time assailed by the

  Parthians, recalled him; and his duty to his sovereign compelled him

  to abandon Italy to Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her

  with such severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty of

  St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for sanctity, he

  endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having arranged

  matters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to the

  relief of Italy
; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having

  crossed the Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so

  that Totila held almost the whole country. Having conquered the

  Slavonians, Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military

  talent, who, having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The

  Goths who escaped sought refuge in Pavia, where they created Teias

  their king. On the other hand, Narses after the victory took Rome, and

  coming to an engagement with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed

  his army. By this victory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite

  annihilated, after having existed for seventy years, from the coming

  of Theodoric to the death of Teias.

  No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, and

  was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia,

  his wife, recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those

  who preceded him, he made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave

  a new form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint

  governors of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and

  town of importance placed a ruler whom he called a duke. Neither in

  this arrangement did he respect Rome more than the other cities; for

  having set aside the consuls and senate, names which up to this time

  had been preserved, he placed her under a duke, who was sent every

  year from Ravenna, and called her the duchy of Rome; while to him who

  remained in Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the emperor,

  was given the name of Exarch. This division of the country greatly

  facilitated the ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early occasion

  of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged with the emperor, for

  having recalled him from the government of the province, which he had

  won with his own valor and blood; while Sophia, not content with the

  injury done by withdrawing him, treated him in the most offensive

  manner, saying she wished him to come back that he might spin with the

  other eunuchs. Full of indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of

  the Lombards, who then reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take

  possession of Italy.

  The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the

  Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer

  their king led them into Italy; where, having been established for

  some time, their dominions were held by Alboin, a man ferocious and

  bold, under whom they crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement

  with Cunimund, king of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and

  slew him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the

  captives, took her to wife, and made himself sovereign of Pannonia;

  and, moved by his savage nature, caused the skull of Cunimund to be

  formed into a cup, from which, in memory of the victory, he drank.

  Being invited into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in

  friendship during the war with the Goths, he left Pannonia to the

  Huns, who after the death of Attila had returned to their country.

  Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into so many parts, he

  presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the whole of

  Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now called

  Romagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the

  conquest of Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at

  Verona, and having become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of

  Cunimund to be filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen

  Rosamond, who sat opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that

  upon occasion of such great joy she should drink with her father.

  These words were like a dagger to the lady's bosom and she resolved to

  have revenge. Knowing that Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love

  with one of her maids, she arranged with the young woman, that

  Helmichis, without being acquainted with the fact, should sleep with

  her instead of his mistress. Having effected her design, Rosamond

  discovered herself to Helmichis, and gave him the choice either of

  killing Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his reward, or

  of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Helmichis

  consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder, finding they could

  not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombards would put them

  to death for the love they bore to Alboin, they seized the royal

  treasure, and fled with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them

  favorably.

  During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded by

  Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not

  attend to the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to

  present an opportunity, by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of

  becoming king of the Lombards and of the whole of Italy, he

  communicated his design to her, persuaded her to destroy Helmichis,

  and so take him for her husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned

  wine, she with her own hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained

  of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it, he

  suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occasioned and

  compelled her to drink the remainder; so that in a few hours both came

  to their end, and Longinus was deprived of the hope of becoming king.

  In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves together in

  Pavia, which was become the principal seat of their empire, made

  Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied

  Remini and almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of

  his victories. Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward

  strangers, but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of

  royal power, did not create another king, but appointed among

  themselves thirty dukes to govern the rest. This prevented the

  Lombards from occupying the whole of Italy, or of extending their

  dominion further than Benevento; for, of the cities of Rome, Ravenna,

  Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and

  Cesena, some defended themselves for a time, and others never fell

  under their dominion; since, not having a king, they became less

  prompt for war, and when they afterward appointed one, they were, by

  living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel among

  themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunate issue of their

  military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their being driven

  out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards being in the state just

  described, the Romans and Longinus came to an agreement with them,

  that each should lay down their arms and enjoy what they already

  possessed.

  CHAPTER III

  Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy--Abuse of

  censures and indulgences--The pope applies to Pepin, king of

  France, for assistance--Donation of Pepin to the pontiff--

  Charlemagne--End of the kingdom of the Lombards--The title of

  cardinal begins to be used--The empire passes to the Germans--

  Berengarius, duke of Fruili, c
reated king of Italy--Pisa becomes

  great--Order and division of the states of Italy--Electors of the

  emperor created.

  In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal authority

  than they had previously possessed; although the immediate successors

  of St. Peter were more reverenced for the holiness of their lives, and

  the miracles which they performed; and their example so greatly

  extended the Christian religion, that princes of other states embraced

  it, in order to obviate the confusion which prevailed at that period.

  The emperor having become a Christian and returned to Constantinople,

  it followed, as was remarked at the commencement of the book, that the

  Roman empire was the more easily ruined, and the church more rapidly

  increased her authority. Nevertheless, the whole of Italy, being

  subject either to the emperors or the kings till the coming of the

  Lombards, the popes never acquired any greater authority than what

  reverence for their habits and doctrine gave them. In other respects

  they obeyed the emperors or kings; officiated for them in their

  affairs, as ministers or agents, and were even sometimes put to death

  by them. He who caused them to become of more importance in the

  affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, king of the Goths, when he

  established the seat of his empire at Ravenna; for, Rome being without

  a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for their safety, to yield

  obedience to the pope; his authority, however, was not greatly

  increased thereby, the only advantage being, that the church of Rome

  was allowed to take precedence of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards

  having taken possession, and Italy being divided into many parts, the

  pope had an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the head

  of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards respected

  him; so that the Romans, by his means, entered into league with the

  Lombards, and with Longinus, not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the

  popes, at one time friends of the Greeks, and at another of the

  Lombards, increased their own power; but upon the ruin of the eastern

  empire, which occurred during the time of Heraclius, their influence

  was reduced; for the Sclavi, of whom we spoke before, again assailed

  Illyria, and having occupied the country, named it Sclavonia, after

  themselves; and the other parts were attacked by the Persians, then by

  the Saracens under Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria,

  Africa, and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning pope, in his

  distress, to seek new friends, and he applied to the king of France.

  Nearly all the wars which the northern barbarians carried on in Italy,

  it may be here remarked, were occasioned by the pontiffs; and the

  hordes, with which the country was inundated, were generally called in

  by them. The same mode of proceeding still continued, and kept Italy

  weak and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events which have

  taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the empire

  will be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the

  pontificate and of the other principalities which ruled Italy till the

  coming of Charles VIII. It will be seen how the popes, first with

  censures, and afterward with these and arms, mingled with indulgences,

  became both terrible and venerable; and how, from having abused both,

  they ceased to possess any influence, and were wholly dependent on the

  will of others for assistance in their wars.

  But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III. occupied the

  papacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was held by Astolphus, who,

  contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna, and made war upon the pope. On

  this account, Gregory no longer relying upon the emperor of

  Constantinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable to

  assist him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had

  frequently broken their faith, had recourse to Pepin II., who, from

  being lord of Austria and Brabant, had become king of France; not so