History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

did because they could not obtain the possessions of others.

  Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand, they did not

  allow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass unnoticed, or neglect

  the decoration of their city. As before observed, Niccolo Fortebraccio

  was dead. He had married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, at the

  decease of his son-in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and other

  fortresses of that district, and while Niccolo lived, governed them in

  his name. Claiming them as his daughter's portion, he refused to give

  them up to the pope, who demanded them as property held of the church,

  and who, upon his refusal, sent the patriarch with forces to take

  possession of them. The count, finding himself unable to sustain the

  attack, offered them to the Florentines, who declined them; but the

  pope having returned to Florence, they interceded with him in the

  count's behalf. Difficulties arising, the patriarch attacked the

  Casentino, took Prato Vecchio, and Romena, and offered them also to

  the Florentines, who refused them likewise, unless the pope would

  consent they should restore them to the count, to which, after much

  hesitation, he acceded, on condition that the Florentines should

  prevail with the Count di Poppi to restore the Borgo to him. The pope

  was thus satisfied, and the Florentines having so far completed the

  building of their cathedral church of Santa Reparata, which had been

  commenced long ago, as to enable them to perform divine service in it,

  requested his holiness to consecrate it. To this the pontiff willingly

  agreed, and the Florentines, to exhibit the wealth of the city and the

  splendor of the edifice, and do greater honor to the pope, erected a

  platform from Santa Maria Novella, where he resided, to the cathedral

  he was about to consecrate, six feet in height and twelve feet wide,

  covered with rich drapery, for the accommodation of the pontiff and

  his court, upon which they proceeded to the building, accompanied by

  those civic magistrates, and other officers who were appointed to take

  part in the procession. The usual ceremonies of consecration having

  been completed, the pope, to show his affection for the city,

  conferred the honor of knighthood upon Giuliano Davanzati, their

  Gonfalonier of Justice, and a citizen of the highest reputation; and

  the Signory, not to appear less gracious than the pope, granted to the

  new created knight the government of Pisa for one year.

  There were at that time certain differences between the Roman and the

  Greek churches, which prevented perfect conformity in divine service;

  and at the last council of B�le, the prelates of the Western church

  having spoken at great length upon the subject, it was resolved that

  efforts should be made to bring the emperor and the Greek prelates to

  the council at B�le, to endeavor to reconcile the Greek church with

  the Roman. Though this resolution was derogatory to the majesty of the

  Greek empire, and offensive to its clergy, yet being then oppressed by

  the Turks, and fearing their inability for defense, in order to have a

  better ground for requesting assistance, they submitted; and

  therefore, the emperor, the patriarch, with other prelates and barons

  of Greece, to comply with the resolution of the council, assembled at

  B�le, came to Venice; but being terrified by the plague then

  prevailing, it was resolved to terminate their differences at

  Florence. The Roman and Greek prelates having held a conference during

  several days, in which many long discussions took place, the Greeks

  yielded, and agreed to adopt the ritual of the church of Rome.

  CHAPTER IV

  New wars in Italy--Niccolo Piccinino, in concert with the duke of

  Milan, deceives the pope, and takes many places from the church--

  Niccolo attacks the Venetians--Fears and precautions of the

  Florentines--The Venetians request assistance of the Florentines

  and of Sforza--League against the duke of Milan--The Florentines

  resolve to send the count to assist the Venetians--Neri di Gino

  Capponi at Venice--His discourse to the senate--Extreme joy of the

  Venetians.

  Peace being restored between the Lucchese and Florentines, and the

  duke and the count having become friends, hopes were entertained that

  the arms of Italy would be laid aside, although those in the kingdom

  of Naples, between Ren� of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon, could find

  repose only by the ruin of one party or the other. And though the pope

  was dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his

  territories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians was

  obvious, still it was thought that the pontiff, from necessity, and

  the others from weariness, would be advocates of peace. However, a

  different state of feeling prevailed, for neither the duke nor the

  Venetians were satisfied with their condition; so that hostilities

  were resumed, and Lombardy and Tuscany were again harassed by the

  horrors of war. The proud mind of the duke could not endure that the

  Venetians should possess Bergamo and Brescia, and he was still further

  annoyed, by hearing, that they were constantly in arms, and in the

  daily practice of annoying some portion of his territories. He

  thought, however, that he should not only be able to restrain them,

  but to recover the places he had lost, if the pope, the Florentines,

  and the count could be induced to forego the Venetian alliance. He

  therefore resolved to take Romagna from the pontiff, imagining that

  his holiness could not injure him, and that the Florentines, finding

  the conflagration so near, either for their own sake would refrain

  from interference, or if they did not, could not conveniently attack

  him. The duke was also aware of the resentment of the Florentines

  against the Venetians, on account of the affair of Lucca, and he

  therefore judged they would be the less eager to take arms against him

  on their behalf. With regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that

  their new friendship, and the hope of his alliance would keep him

  quiet. To give as little color as possible for complaint, and to lull

  suspicion, particularly, because in consequence of his treaty with the

  count, the latter could not attack Romagna, he ordered Niccolo

  Piccinino, as if instigated by his own ambition to do so.

  When the agreement between the duke and the count was concluded,

  Niccolo was in Romagna, and in pursuance of his instructions from the

  duke, affected to be highly incensed, that a connection had been

  established between him and the count, his inveterate enemy. He

  therefore withdrew himself and his forces to Camurata, a place between

  Furli and Ravenna, which he fortified, as if designing to remain there

  some time, or till a new enterprise should present itself. The report

  of his resentment being diffused, Niccolo gave the pope to understand

  how much the duke was under obligation to him, and how ungrateful he

  proved; and he was persuaded that, possessing nearly all the arms of

  Italy, under the two principal generals, he could render himself sole

  ruler: b
ut if his holiness pleased, of the two principal generals whom

  he fancied he possessed, one would become his enemy, and the other be

  rendered useless; for, if money were provided him, and he were kept in

  pay, he would attack the territories held of the church by the count,

  who being compelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve

  the ambition of Filippo. The pope giving entire credence to this

  representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness, sent

  Niccolo five thousand ducats and loaded him with promises of states

  for himself and his children. And though many informed him of the

  deception, he could not give credit to them, nor would he endure the

  conversation of any who seemed to doubt the integrity of Niccolo's

  professions. The city of Ravenna was held for the church by Ostasio da

  Polenta. Niccolo finding further delay would be detrimental, since his

  son Francesco had, to the pope's great dishonor, pillaged Spoleto,

  determined to attack Ravenna, either because he judged the enterprise

  easy, or because he had a secret understanding with Ostasio, for in a

  few days after the attack, the place capitulated. He then took

  Bologna, Imola, and Furli; and (what is worthy of remark) of twenty

  fortresses held in that country for the pope, not one escaped falling

  into his hands. Not satisfied with these injuries inflicted on the

  pontiff, he resolved to banter him by his words as well as ridicule

  him by his deeds, and wrote, that he had only done as his holiness

  deserved, for having unblushingly attempted to divide two such

  attached friends as the duke and himself, and for having dispersed

  over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the duke to take

  part with the Venetians. Having taken possession of Romagna, Niccolo

  left it under the charge of his son, Francesco, and with the greater

  part of his troops, went into Lombardy, where joining the remainder of

  the duke's forces, he attacked the country about Brescia, and having

  soon completely conquered it, besieged the city itself.

  The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenseless, excused

  himself to the pope, the Florentines, and the count, saying, that if

  the doings of Niccolo were contrary to the terms of the treaty, they

  were equally contrary to his wishes, and by secret messengers, assured

  them that when an occasion presented itself, he would give them a

  convincing proof that they had been performed in disobedience to his

  instructions. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him, but

  thought, with reason, that these enterprises had been carried on to

  keep them at bay, till he had subdued the Venetians, who, being full

  of pride, and thinking themselves able alone to resist the duke, had

  not deigned to ask for any assistance, but carried on the war under

  their captain, Gattamelata.

  Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent of the

  Florentines, to go to the assistance of king Ren�, if the events of

  Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered him; and the Florentines would

  willingly have consented, from their ancient friendship to the French

  dynasty, but the duke was entirely in favor of Alfonso. Each being

  engaged in wars near home, refrained from distant undertakings. The

  Florentines, finding Romagna occupied with the duke's forces, and the

  Venetians defeated, as if foreseeing their own ruin in that of others,

  entreated the count to come to Tuscany, where they might consider what

  should be done to resist Filippo's power, which was now greater than

  it had ever before been; assuring him that if his insolence were not

  in some way curbed, all the powers of Italy would soon have to submit

  to him. The count felt the force of the fears entertained by the

  Florentines, but his desire to secure the duke's alliance kept him in

  suspense; and the duke, aware of this desire, gave him the greatest

  assurance that his hopes would be realized as shortly as possible, if

  he abstained from hostilities against him. As the lady was now of

  marriageable age, the duke had frequently made all suitable

  preparations for the celebration of the ceremony, but on one pretext

  or another they had always been wholly set aside. He now, to give the

  count greater confidence, added deeds to his words, and sent him

  thirty thousand florins, which, by the terms of the marriage contract,

  he had engaged to pay.

  Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehemence than ever;

  the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses of territory, and the

  fleets they equipped upon the rivers were taken by the duke's forces;

  the country around Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied, and the

  two cities themselves so pressed, that their speedy fall was generally

  anticipated. The marquis of Mantua, who for many years had led the

  forces of their republic, quite unexpectedly resigned his command, and

  went over to the duke's service. Thus the course which pride prevented

  them from adopting at the commencement of the war, fear compelled them

  to take during its progress; for knowing there was no help for them

  but in the friendship of the Florentines and the count, they began to

  make overtures to obtain it, though with shame and apprehension; for

  they were afraid of receiving a reply similar to that which they had

  given the Florentines, when the latter applied for assistance in the

  enterprise against Lucca and the count's affairs. However, they found

  the Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they expected,

  or their conduct deserved; so much more were the former swayed by

  hatred of their ancient enemy, than by resentment of the ingratitude

  of their old and habitual friends. Having foreseen the necessity into

  which the Venetians must come, they had informed the count that their

  ruin must involve his own; that he was deceived if he thought the

  duke, while fortune, would esteem him more than if he were in

  adversity; that the duke was induced to promise him his daughter by

  the fear he entertained of him; that what necessity occasions to be

  promised, it also causes to be performed; and it was therefore

  desirable to keep the duke in that necessity, which could be done

  without supporting the power of the Venetians. Therefore he might

  perceive, that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland

  territories, he would not only lose the advantages derivable from

  them, but also those to be obtained from such as feared them; and that

  if he considered well the powers of Italy, he would see that some were

  poor, and others hostile; that the Florentines alone were not, as he

  had often said, sufficient for his support; so that on every account

  it was best to keep the Venetians powerful by land. These arguments,

  conjoined with the hatred which the count had conceived against

  Filippo, by supposing himself duped with regard to the promised

  alliance, induced him to consent to a new treaty; but still he would

  not consent to cross the Po. The agreement was concluded in February,

  1438; the Venetians agreeing to pay two-thirds of the expense of the

  war, the Florentines one-th
ird, and each engaging to defend the states

  which the count possessed in La Marca. Nor were these the only forces

  of the league, for the lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti

  da Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined them. They

  endeavored, by very liberal offers, to gain over the marquis of

  Mantua, but could not prevail against the friendship and stipend of

  the duke; and the lord of Faenza, after having entered into compact

  with the league, being tempted by more advantageous terms, went over

  to him. This made them despair of being able to effect an early

  settlement of the troubles of Romagna.

  The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition: Brescia was so closely

  besieged by the duke's forces, that constant apprehensions were

  entertained of her being compelled by famine to a surrender; while

  Verona was so pressed, that a similar fate was expected to await her,

  and if one of these cities were lost, all the other preparations for

  the war might be considered useless, and the expenses already incurred

  as completely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send the

  count into Lombardy; and to this measure three obstacles presented

  themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross the Po, and

  prosecute the war in whatever locality might be found most advisable;

  the second, that the count being at a distance, the Florentines would

  be left almost at the mercy of the duke, who, issuing from any of his

  fortresses, might with part of his troops keep the count at bay, and

  with the rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom the

  existing government already dreaded; the third was, to determine what

  route the count should take to arrive safely in the Paduan territory,

  and join the Venetian forces. Of these three difficulties, the second,

  which particularly regarded the Florentines, was the most serious;

  but, knowing the necessity of the case, and wearied out by the

  Venetians, who with unceasing importunity demanded the count,

  intimating that without him they should abandon all hope, they

  resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to the suggestions

  of their own fears. There still remained the question about the route

  to be taken, for the safety of which they determined the Venetians

  should provide; and as they had sent Neri Capponi to treat with the

  count and induce him to cross the Po, they determined that the same

  person should also proceed to Venice, in order to make the benefit the

  more acceptable to the Signory, and see that all possible security

  were given to the passage of the forces.

  Neri embarked at Cesena and went to Venice; nor was any prince ever

  received with so much honor as he was; for upon his arrival, and the

  matters which his intervention was to decide and determine, the safety

  of the republic seemed to depend. Being introduced to the senate, and

  in presence of the Doge, he said, "The Signory of Florence, most

  serene prince, has always perceived in the duke's greatness the source

  of ruin both to this republic and our own, and that the safety of both

  states depends upon their separate strength and mutual confidence. If

  such had been the opinion of this illustrious Signory, we should

  ourselves have been in better condition, and your republic would have

  been free from the dangers that now threaten it. But as at the proper

  crisis you withheld from us confidence and aid, we could not come to

  the relief of your distress, nor could you, being conscious of this,

  freely ask us; for neither in your prosperity nor adversity have you

  clearly perceived our motives. You have not observed, that those whose

  deeds have once incurred our hatred, can never become entitled to our

  regard; nor can those who have once merited our affection ever after

  absolutely cancel their claim. Our attachment to your most serene

  Signory is well known to you all, for you have often seen Lombardy

  filled with our forces and our money for your assistance. Our