History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

increased his desire of destroying him; and to effect this with the

  least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage with Drusiana, the duke's

  natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke then arranged with

  Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain of his

  forces, and give him 100,000 florins for his maintenance. After this

  agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife

  Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully

  received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity;

  but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were,

  the king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of

  which he and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward

  put to death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues

  in others which they themselves did not possess, extirpated them; and

  hence the country became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was

  not long afterward oppressed and ruined.

  At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of Romagna, and

  witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to

  lead the Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to

  those which his predecessors had used. All the princes promised

  assistance either in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary,

  and Charles, duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining

  the enterprise in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of

  the expedition. The pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left

  Rome and proceeded to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the

  whole army should be assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send

  ships thither to convey the forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of

  the pope in that city, there was soon such a concourse of people, that

  in a few days all the provisions it contained, or that could be

  procured from the neighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to

  impend. Besides this, there was no money to provide those who were in

  want of it, nor arms to furnish such as were without them. Neither

  Matthias nor Charles made their appearance. The Venetians sent a

  captain with some galleys, but rather for ostentation and the sake of

  keeping their word, than for the purpose of conveying troops. During

  this position of affairs, the pope, being old and infirm, died, and

  the assembled troops returned to their homes. The death of the pontiff

  occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of Venetian origin, was chosen to

  succeed him; and that nearly all the principalities of Italy might

  change their rulers about the same period, in the following year

  Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, having occupied the

  dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeeded him.

  The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine

  dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they

  would otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero,

  being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his

  assistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest

  reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just before

  his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with

  regard to the government of the city and the management of his

  fortune. Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained

  of him, and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no

  more, as he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning

  both his patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs,

  he caused an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to

  be placed in Diotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance

  with the state of his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable

  advice, and the latter promised to use the utmost care. Upon

  examination of these accounts the affairs were found to be in great

  disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated rather by his own ambition than

  by attachment to Piero or gratitude to Cosmo, thought he might without

  difficulty deprive him of both the reputation and the splendor which

  his father had left him as his inheritance. In order to realize his

  views, he waited upon Piero, and advised him to adopt a measure which,

  while it appeared quite correct in itself, and suitable to existing

  circumstances, involved a consequence destructive to his authority. He

  explained the disorder of his affairs, and the large amount of money

  it would be necessary to provide, if he wished to preserve his

  influence in the state and his reputation of wealth; and said there

  was no other means of remedying these disorders so just and available

  as to call in the sums which his father had lent to an infinite number

  of persons, both foreigners and citizens; for Cosmo, to acquire

  partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was extremely liberal of his

  money, and the amount of loans due to him was enormous. Piero thought

  the advice good, because he was only desirous to repossess his own

  property to meet the demands to which he was liable; but as soon as he

  had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the citizens, as if he had

  asked for something to which he had no kind of claim, took great

  offense, loaded him with opprobrious expressions, and accused him of

  being avaricious and ungrateful.

  Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned

  by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Agnolo

  Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite their

  efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each

  was actuated by a different motive; Luca Pitti wished to take the

  position Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that he

  disdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfit

  to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on

  Piero's removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon

  himself; Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty,

  and for the laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was

  greatly incensed against the Medici, for the following reasons: his

  son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, and

  received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or the

  misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from her

  father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione,

  her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several

  armed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Acciajuoli

  complained of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was

  referred to Cosmo, who decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to

  Alessandra her fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to

  return to her husband or not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this

  instance, treated him as a friend; and having been unable to avenge

  himself on the father, he now resolved to do his utmost to ruin the

  son. These conspirators, though each was influenced by a different

  motive fro
m the rest, affected to have only one object in view, which

  was that the city should be governed by the magistrates, and not be

  subjected to the counsels of a few individuals. The odium against

  Piero, and opportunities of injuring him, were increased by the number

  of merchants who failed about this time; for it was reported that he,

  in having, quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts,

  had, to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to become

  insolvent. To this was added his endeavor to obtain Clarice degli

  Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and hence his enemies took

  occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he despised a Florentine

  alliance, he no longer considered himself one of the people, and was

  preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuses his fellow-

  citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and therefore

  cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the sedition

  thought they had the victory in their power; for the greater part of

  the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty which

  they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upon their

  ensigns.

  In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil discord was

  extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engage

  men's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed they are

  commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their

  attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the

  death of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to

  the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented

  the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which

  announced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp

  and magnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city

  occupied many months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the

  exhibition of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first

  families in the city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of

  Italy. Among the most distinguished of the Florentine youth was

  Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who, not by favor, but by his own

  personal valor, obtained the principal prize. When these festivals

  were over, the citizens reverted to the same thoughts which had

  previously occupied them, and each pursued his ideas with more

  earnestness than ever. Serious differences and troubles were the

  result; and these were greatly increased by two circumstances: one of

  which was, that the authority of the balia had expired; the other,

  that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the new duke sent

  ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his father with

  the city, which, among other things, provided that every year a

  certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal

  opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make

  public resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was

  made with Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead,

  the obligation had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it,

  because Galeazzo did not possess his father's talents, and

  consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same benefits

  from him; that if they had derived little advantage from Francesco,

  they would obtain still less from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen

  wished to hire him for his own purposes, it was contrary to civil

  rule, and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the

  contrary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an

  alliance from mere avarice, and that there was nothing so important to

  the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the

  duke; that the Venetians, while they were united, could not hope

  either by feigned friendship or open war to injure the duchy; but as

  soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated from him they would

  prepare for hostilities, and, finding him young, new in the

  government, and without friends, they would, either by force or fraud,

  compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the republic would be

  inevitable.

  The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of the

  parties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies;

  the friends of the Medici meeting in the Crocetta, and their

  adversaries in the Pieta. The latter being anxious for Piero's ruin,

  had induced many citizens to subscribe their names as favorable to the

  undertaking. Upon one occasion, particularly when considering the

  course to be adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici

  ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning the

  means by which it should be effected; one party, the most temperate

  and reasonable, held that as the authority of the balia had ceased,

  they must take care to prevent its renewal; it would then be found to

  be the universal wish that the magistrates and councils should govern

  the city, and in a short time Piero's power would be visibly

  diminished, and, as a consequence of his loss of influence in the

  government, his commercial credit would also fail; for his affairs

  were in such a state, that if they could prevent him from using the

  public money his ruin must ensue. They would thus be in no further

  danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of their liberty,

  without the death or exile of any individual; but if they attempted

  violence they would incur great dangers; for mankind are willing to

  allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if pushed down

  they would hasten to his relief; so that if they adopted no

  extraordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for defense

  or aid; and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his own

  injury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate his

  ruin, and justify whatever course they might think proper to adopt.

  Many of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of

  proceeding; they thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious

  to themselves; for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary

  course, Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves

  would incur many; for the magistrates who were opposed to him would

  allow him to rule the city, and his friends would make him a prince,

  and their own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458; and

  though the advice they had just heard might be most consistent with

  good feeling, the present would be found to be the safest. That it

  would therefore be best, while the minds of men were yet excited

  against him, to effect his destruction. It must be their plan to arm

  themselves, and engage the assistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that

  they might not be destitute of troops; and if a favorable Signory were

  drawn, they would be in condition to make use of them. They therefore

  determined to wait the formation of the new Signory, and be governed

  by circumstances.

  Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as president

  of their a
ssemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes,

  disclosed the whole affair to Piero, and gave him a list of those who

  had subscribed their names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was

  alarmed on discovering the number and quality of those who were

  opposed to him; and by the advice of his friends he resolved to take

  the signatures of those who were inclined to favor him. Having

  employed one of his most trusty confidants to carry his design into

  effect, he found so great a disposition to change and instability,

  that many who had previously set down their names among the number of

  his enemies, now subscribed them in his favor.

  CHAPTER III

  Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice--Great hopes excited

  in consequence--The two parties take arms--The fears of the

  Signory--Their conduct with regard to Piero--Piero's reply to the

  Signory--Reform of government in favor of Piero de' Medici--

  Dispersion of his enemies--Fall of Lucca Pitti--Letter of Agnolo

  Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici--Piero's answer--Designs of the

  Florentine exiles--They induce the Venetians to make war on

  Florence.

  In the midst of these events, the time arrived for the renewal of the

  supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderini was drawn Gonfalonier of

  Justice. It was surprising to see by what a concourse, not only of

  distinguished citizens, but also of the populace, he was accompanied

  to the palace; and while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed

  upon his head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and

  liberty of the city. This, among many similar instances, serves to

  prove how undesirable it is to enter upon office or power exciting

  inordinate expectations; for, being unable to fulfil them (many

  looking for more than it is possible to perform), shame and

  disappointment are the ordinary results. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini

  were brothers. Niccolo was the more ardent and spirited, Tommaso the

  wiser man; who, being very much the friend of Piero, and knowing that

  his brother desired nothing but the liberty of the city, and the

  stability of the republic, without injury to any, advised him to make

  new Squittini, by which means the election purses might be filled with

  the names of those favorable to his design. Niccolo took his brother's

  advice, and thus wasted the period of his magistracy in vain hopes,

  which his friends, the leading conspirators, allowed him to do from

  motives of envy; for they were unwilling that the government should be

  reformed by the authority of Niccolo, and thought they would be in

  time enough to effect their purpose under another gonfalonier. Thus

  the magistracy of Niccolo expired; and having commenced many things

  without completing aught, he retired from office with much less credit

  than when he had entered upon it.

  This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's party, whose

  friends entertained stronger hopes, while those who had been neutral

  or wavering became his adherents; so that both sides being balanced,

  many months elapsed without any open demonstration of their particular

  designs. Piero's party continuing to gather strength, his enemies'

  indignation increased in proportion; and they now determined to effect

  by force what they either could not accomplish, or were unwilling to

  attempt by the medium of the magistrates, which was assassination of

  Piero, who lay sick at Careggi, and to this end order the marquis of

  Ferrara nearer to the city with his forces, that after Piero's death

  he might lead them into the piazza, and thus compel the Signory to

  form a government according to their own wishes; for though all might

  not be friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to

  submit by fear who might be opposed to them from principle.

  Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited

  Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city, and

  advised him to effect it. The conspirators' designs had already been

  fully disclosed to Piero; besides this, Domenico Martelli had informed