History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

him, that Francesco Neroni, the brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavored

  to induce him to join them, assuring him the victory was certain, and

  their object all but attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take

  advantage of his enemies' tampering with the marquis of Ferrara, and

  be first in arms. He therefore intimated that he had received a letter

  from Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna, which informed him that

  the marquis of Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a

  considerable force, with the avowed intention of leading it to

  Florence; that upon this advice he had taken up arms; after which, in

  the midst of a strong force, he came to the city, when all who were

  disposed to support him, armed themselves also. The adverse party did

  the same, but not in such good order, being unprepared. The residence

  of Diotisalvi being near that of Piero, he did not think himself safe

  in it, but first went to the palace and begged the Signory would

  endeavor to induce Piero to lay down his arms, and thence to Luca

  Pitti, to keep him faithful in their cause. Niccolo Soderini displayed

  the most activity; for taking arms, and being followed by nearly all

  the plebeians in his vicinity, he proceeded to the house of Luca, and

  begged that he would mount his horse, and come to the piazza in

  support of the Signory, who were, he said, favorable, and that the

  victory would, undoubtedly, be on their side; that he should not stay

  in the house to be basely slain by their armed enemies, or

  ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed; for, in that case,

  he would soon repent of having neglected an opportunity irrecoverably

  lost; that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, he might easily

  effect it; and that if he were anxious for peace, it would be far

  better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelled to

  accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect upon

  Luca, whose mind was now quite made up; he had been induced to desert

  his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero; for

  one of his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He,

  therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return home,

  telling him he ought to be satisfied, if the city were governed by the

  magistrates, which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to

  lay aside their weapons; for the Signory, most of whom were friendly,

  would decide their differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable,

  returned home; but before he left, he said, "I can do the city no good

  alone, but I can easily foresee the evils that will befall her. This

  resolution of yours will rob our country of her liberty; you will lose

  the government, I shall lose my property, and the rest will be

  exiled."

  During this disturbance the Signory closed the palace and kept their

  magistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. The

  citizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, finding Piero

  fully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider, not how

  they might injure him, but how, with least observation, glide into the

  ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both

  factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the Signory, and

  spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation of

  parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from being

  present, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait upon

  him at his house. Niccolo Soderini having first placed his children

  and his effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew to his

  villa, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himself

  and ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero's

  presence, one of them who had been appointed spokesman, complained of

  the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show,

  that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms;

  and not knowing what Piero (who was evidently the first to do so)

  intended, they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if

  it had in view the welfare of the city, they were desirous of

  supporting it. Piero replied, that not those who first take arms are

  the most to blame, but those who give the first occasion for it, and

  if they would reflect a little on their mode of proceeding toward

  himself, they would cease to wonder at what he had done; for they

  could not fail to perceive, that nocturnal assemblies, the enrollment

  of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both of his authority and

  his life, had caused him to take arms; and they might further observe,

  that as his forces had not quitted his own house, his design was

  evidently only to defend himself and not to injure others. He neither

  sought nor desired anything but safety and repose; neither had his

  conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else; for when the

  authority of the Balia expired, he never made any attempt to renew it,

  and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city and had been

  content. They might also remember that Cosmo and his sons could live

  respected in Florence, either with the Balia or without it, and that

  in 1458, it was not his family, but themselves, who had renewed it.

  That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he; but this

  did not satisfy them; for he perceived that they thought it impossible

  to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all

  his anticipations that his own or his father's friends should think

  themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himself

  quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and his

  brothers, who were present, reminding them with grave indignation, of

  the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the confidence he had

  reposed in them and their subsequent ingratitude; and his words so

  strongly excited some present, that had he not interfered, they would

  certainly have torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by

  saying, that he should approve of any determination of themselves and

  the Signory; and that for his own part, he only desired peace and

  safety. After this, many things were discussed, but nothing

  determined, excepting generally, that it was necessary to reform the

  administration of the city and government.

  The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a man

  not in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to

  attempt aught while he was in office; but no inconvenience would

  result from the delay, as his magistracy was on the point of expiring.

  Upon the election of Signors for the months of September and October,

  1466, Roberto Lioni was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and as

  soon as he assumed its duties, every requisite arrangement having been

  previously made, the people were called to the piazza, and a new Balia

  created, wholly in favor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the

  offices of government according to his own pleasure. These

  transactions alarmed the leaders of the opposite faction, and Agnolo

  Acciajuoli fled t
o Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini to

  Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence, trusting to his new

  relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugees were declared

  rebels, and all the family of the Neroni were dispersed. Giovanni di

  Neroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a

  voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizens who fled, various

  places of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered

  sufficient; for it was ordered that the citizens should go in solemn

  procession to thank God for the preservation of the government and the

  reunion of the city, during the performance of which, some were taken

  and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled. In

  this great vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkable

  instance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who soon found

  the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His

  house now presented only a vast solitude, where previously crowds of

  citizens had assembled. In the streets, his friends and relatives,

  instead of accompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them

  were deprived of the honors of government, others of their property,

  and all alike threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were

  abandoned by the builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon

  him, where now exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence

  many of those who had presented him with articles of value now

  demanded them back again, as being only lent; and those who had been

  in the habit of extolling him as a man of surpassing excellence, now

  termed him violent and ungrateful. So that, when too late, he

  regretted not having taken the advice of Niccolo Soderini, and

  preferred an honorable death in battle, than to a life of ignominy

  among his victorious enemies.

  The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering that

  citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, Agnolo

  Acciajuoli being at Naples, before he attempted anything else,

  resolved to sound Piero, and try if he could effect a reconciliation.

  For this purpose, he wrote to him in the following terms: "I cannot

  help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at her

  pleasure, she converts friends into enemies, and enemies into friends.

  You may remember that during your father's exile, regarding more the

  injury done to him than my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in

  danger of death, and never during Cosmo's life failed to honor and

  support your family; neither have I since his death ever entertained a

  wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own sickness, and the

  tender years of your sons, so alarmed me, that I judged it desirable

  to give such a form to the government, that after your death our

  country might not be ruined; and hence, the proceedings, which not

  against you, but for the safety of the state, have been adopted,

  which, if mistaken, will surely obtain forgiveness, both for the good

  design in view, and on account of my former services. Neither can I

  apprehend, that your house, having found me so long faithful, should

  now prove unmerciful, or that you could cancel the impression of so

  much merit for so small a fault." Piero replied: "Your laughing in

  your present abode is the cause why I do not weep, for were you to

  laugh in Florence, I should have to weep at Naples. I confess you were

  well disposed toward my father, and you ought to confess you were well

  paid for it; and the obligation is so much the greater on your part

  than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than words. Having been

  recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not to surprise you that

  you now receive the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a

  pretense of your patriotism excuse you, for none will think the city

  less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by the Acciajuoli. It,

  therefore, seems but just, that you should remain in dishonor at

  Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home."

  Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, joining the

  archbishop and other refugees, they used every available means to

  injure the commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their

  attempts greatly annoyed Piero; but by his friends' assistance, he was

  enabled to render them abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo

  Soderini strenuously urged the Venetian senate to make war upon their

  country, calculating, that in case of an attack, the government being

  new and unpopular, would be unable to resist. At this time there

  resided at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who,

  with his father, was banished from Florence in the changes of 1434. He

  possessed great influence, and was considered one of the richest

  merchants. The newly banished pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how

  easily they might return to their country, if the Venetians were to

  undertake the enterprise, and that it was most probable they would do

  so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but that otherwise it would be

  doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge his own injuries, at

  once fell in with their ideas, and promised to contribute to the

  success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they went

  to the Doge, and complained of the exile they were compelled to

  endure, for no other reason, they said, than for having wished their

  country should be subject to equal laws, and that the magistrates

  should govern, not a few private individuals; that Piero de' Medici,

  with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, had

  secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own

  aside, and thus, by fraud, expelled them from their country; that, not

  content with this, they made the Almighty himself a means of

  oppression to several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained

  in the city and were there betrayed; for, during public worship and

  solemn supplications, that the Deity might seem to participate in

  their treachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured,

  and put to death; thus affording to the world a horrible and impious

  precedent. To avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not

  where to turn with so much hope of success as to the senate, which,

  having always enjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate those who

  had lost it. They therefore called upon them as free men to assist

  them against tyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind

  the Venetians, that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed

  them of their dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other

  citizens, and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had

  favored and supported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' distresses

  could not induce them to undertake the war, the just indignation of

  the people of Venice, and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail.

  CHAPTER IV

  War between the Venetians and the Florentines--Peace

  re-established--Death of Niccolo Soderini--His character--Excesses

  in Florence--Various ext
ernal events from 1468 to 1471--Accession

  of Sixtus IV.--His character--Grief of Piero de' Medici for the

  violence committed in Florence--His speech to the principal

  citizens--Plans of Piero de' Medici for the restoration of order--

  His death and character--Tommaso Soderini, a citizen of great

  reputation, declares himself in favor of the Medici--Disturbances

  at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.

  The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost

  excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send

  Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory.

  The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been

  sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities,

  the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of

  Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled

  the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of

  Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of

  their forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms

  with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety.

  Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came

  in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at

  Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated

  among the roots of the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to

  Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few

  slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance

  with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive,

  besieged any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a

  general engagement; but each kept within their tents, and conducted

  themselves with most remarkable cowardice. This occasioned general

  dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves

  involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be

  derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to

  those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they

  replied, that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo,

  who possessing great authority and little experience, was unable to

  suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the advice of those who

  were more capable; and therefore any demonstration of courage or

  energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army.

  Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with

  the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself

  sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and

  that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate

  convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines

  had nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were

  to suffer, they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They

  assured him they did not think it prudent for him to be absent so long

  from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being

  surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors; while any

  who were desirous of plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing

  so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his

  territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the

  expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence,

  immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left

  without any hindrance, to show that the cause assigned for their

  inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that

  they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without

  either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken,

  but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual

  time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew

  to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king