History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

hundred in number, he spoke as follows:--"Most excellent signors, and

  you, magnificent citizens, I know not whether I have more occasion to

  weep with you for the events which have recently occurred, or to

  rejoice in the circumstances with which they have been attended.

  Certainly, when I think with what virulence of united deceit and

  hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but

  mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet when I consider

  with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity of the whole city

  my brother has been avenged and myself defended, I am not only

  compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted; for if

  experience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it

  has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends than I

  could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the

  injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you have

  exhibited toward myself; but I feel more aggrieved by the injuries

  committed, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust

  you believe) so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens,

  to what a dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when

  among friends, amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we

  have found our greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their

  friends for assistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we

  found ours armed, and resolved on our destruction. Those who are

  persecuted, either from public or private motives, flee for refuge to

  the altars; but where others are safe, we are assassinated; where

  parricides and assassins are secure, the Medici find their murderers.

  But God, who has not hitherto abandoned our house, again saved us, and

  has undertaken the defense of our just cause. What injury have we done

  to justify so intense desire of our destruction? Certainly those who

  have shown themselves so much our enemies, never received any private

  wrong from us; for, had we wished to injure them, they would not have

  had an opportunity of injuring us. If they attribute public grievances

  to ourselves (supposing any had been done to them), they do the

  greater injustices to you, to this palace, to the majesty of this

  government, by assuming that on our account you would act unfairly to

  any of your citizens; and such a supposition, as we all know, is

  contradicted by every view of the circumstances; for we, had we been

  able, and you, had we wished it, would never have contributed to so

  abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truth of these matters,

  will find that our family has always been exalted by you, and from

  this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness, liberality, and

  beneficence, to do good to all; and if we have honored strangers, when

  did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemies' conduct has been

  adopted, to gratify their desire for power (as would seem to be the

  case from their having taken possession of the palace and brought an

  armed force into the piazza), the infamous, ambitious, and detestable

  motive is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy and hatred

  of our authority, they offend you rather than us; for from you we have

  derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped power deserves

  to be detested; but not distinctions conceded for acts of kindness,

  generosity, and magnificence. And you all know that our family never

  attained any rank to which this palace and your united consent did not

  raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms

  and violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was not

  my father, old and inform, who defended the government against so many

  enemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevolence defended

  him; neither could I, after his death, being then a boy, have

  maintained the position of my house except by your favor and advice.

  Nor should we ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if

  you did not contribute to our support. Therefore, I know not the

  reason of their hatred toward us, or what just cause they have of

  envy. Let them direct their enmity against their own ancestors, who,

  by their pride and avarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very

  opposite conduct, were enabled to acquire. But let it be granted we

  have greatly injured them, and that they are justified in seeking our

  ruin; why do they come and take possession of the palace? Why enter

  into league with the pope and the king, against the liberties of this

  republic? Why break the long-continued peace of Italy? They have no

  excuse for this; they ought to confine their vengeance to those who do

  them wrong, and not confound private animosities with public

  grievances. Hence it is that since their defeat our misfortune is the

  greater; for on their account the pope and the king make war upon us,

  and this war, they say, is directed against my family and myself. And

  would to God that this were true; then the remedy would be sure and

  unfailing, for I would not be so base a citizen as to prefer my own

  safety to yours; I would at once resolve to ensure your security, even

  though my own destruction were the immediate and inevitable

  consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes are usually

  concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adopted this

  plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you think

  otherwise, I am in your hands; it is with you to do with me what you

  please. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command me

  to do I will perform most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when you

  find occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood which

  was commenced with that of my brother." While Lorenzo spoke, the

  citizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with

  which he had been heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one

  of them in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged

  many advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his

  family; and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as

  they had used in his defense, and in avenging his brother's death,

  they would secure to him his influence in the government, which he

  should never lose while they retained possession of the country. And

  that their deeds might correspond with their words, they immediately

  appointed a number of armed men, as a guard for the security of his

  person against domestic enemies.

  CHAPTER III

  The Florentines prepare for war against the pope--They appeal to a

  future council--Papal and Neapolitan movements against the

  Florentines--The Venetians refuse to assist the Florentines--

  Disturbances in Milan--Genoa revolts from the duke--Futile

  endeavors to effect peace with the pope--The Florentines repulse

  their enemies from the territory of Pisa--They attack the papal

  states--The papal forces routed upon the borders of the Lake of

  Perugia.

  The Florentines now prepared for war, by raising money and collecting

 
as large a force as possible. Being in league with the duke of Milan

  and the Venetians, they applied to both for assistance. As the pope

  had proved himself a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being

  devoured under false accusations, they justified their cause with all

  available arguments, and filled Italy with accounts of the treachery

  practiced against their government, exposing the impiety and injustice

  of the pontiff, and assured the world that the pontificate which he

  had wickedly attained, he would as impiously fill; for he had sent

  those whom he had advanced to the highest order of prelacy, in the

  company of traitors and parricides, to commit the most horrid

  treachery in the church in the midst of divine service and during the

  celebration of the holy sacrament, and that then, having failed to

  murder the citizens, change the government, and plunder the city,

  according to his intention, he had suspended the performance of all

  religious offices, and injuriously menaced and injured the republic

  with pontifical maledictions. But if God was just, and violence was

  offensive to him, he would be displeased with that of his viceregent,

  and allow his injured people who were not admitted to communion with

  the latter, to offer up their prayers to himself. The Florentines,

  therefore, instead of receiving or obeying the interdict, compelled

  the priests to perform divine service, assembled a council in Florence

  of all the Tuscan prelates under their jurisdiction, and appealed

  against the injuries suffered from the pontiff to a future general

  council.

  The pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justification,

  and maintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress tyranny,

  depress the wicked, and exalt the good; and that this ought to be done

  by every available means; but that secular princes had no right to

  detain cardinals, hang bishops, murder, mangle, and drag about the

  bodies of priests, destroying without distinction the innocent with

  the guilty.

  Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Florentines

  restored to the pope the cardinal whom they had detained, in return

  for which he immediately assailed them with his own forces and those

  of the king. The two armies, under the command of Alfonso, eldest son

  of Ferrando, and duke of Calabria, who had as his general, Federigo,

  count of Urbino, entered the Chianti, by permission of the Siennese,

  who sided with the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortresses,

  and having plundered the country, besieged the Castellina. The

  Florentines were greatly alarmed at these attacks, being almost

  destitute of forces, and finding their friends slow to assist; for

  though the duke sent them aid, the Venetians denied all obligation to

  support the Florentines in their private quarrels, since the

  animosities of individuals were not to be defended at the public

  expense. The Florentines, in order to induce the Venetians to take a

  more correct view of the case, sent Tommaso Soderini as their

  ambassador to the senate, and, in the meantime, engaged forces, and

  appointed Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, to the command of their army.

  While these preparations were being made, the Castellina was so hard

  pressed by the enemy, that the inhabitants, despairing of relief,

  surrendered, after having sustained a siege of forty-two days. The

  enemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped before

  San Savino. The Florentine army being now in order, went to meet them,

  and having approached within three miles, caused such annoyance, that

  Federigo d'Urbino demanded a truce for a few days, which was granted,

  but proved so disadvantageous to the Florentines, that those who had

  made the request were astonished at having obtained it; for, had it

  been refused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace.

  Having gained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as they

  were expired, they took the castle in the presence of their enemies.

  Winter being now come, the forces of the pope and king retired for

  convenient quarters to the Siennese territory. The Florentines also

  withdrew to a more commodious situation, and the marquis of Ferrara,

  having done little for himself and less for others, returned to his

  own territories.

  At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan, under the

  following circumstances. Galeazzo, at his death, left a son, Giovan

  Galeazzo, who being too young to undertake the government, dissensions

  arose between Sforza, Lodovico, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles,

  and the lady Bona, his mother, each of whom desired the guardianship

  of the young duke. By the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini,

  who was then Florentine ambassador at the court of Milan, and of Cecco

  Simonetta, who had been secretary to Galeazzo, the lady Bona

  prevailed. The uncles fled, Ottaviano was drowned in crossing the

  Adda; the rest were banished to various places, together with Roberto

  da San Severino, who in these disputes had deserted the duchess and

  joined the uncles of the duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which

  immediately followed, gave these princes hope that the new state of

  things would present opportunities for their advantage; they therefore

  quitted the places to which their exile limited them, and each

  endeavored to return home. King Ferrando, finding the Florentines had

  obtained assistance from none but the Milanese, took occasion to give

  the duchess so much occupation in her own government, as to render her

  unable to contribute to their assistance. By means of Prospero Adorno,

  the Signor Roberto, and the rebellious uncles of the duke, he caused

  Genoa to throw off the Milanese yoke. The Castelletto was the only

  place left; confiding in which, the duchess sent a strong force to

  recover the city, but it was routed by the enemy; and perceiving the

  danger which might arise to her son and herself if the war were

  continued, Tuscany being in confusion, and the Florentines, in whom

  alone she had hope, themselves in trouble, she determined, as she

  could not retain Genoa in subjection, to secure it as an ally; and

  agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of Prospero Adorno, to give

  him the Castelletto, and make him prince of Genoa, on condition that

  he should expel Prospero, and do nothing in favor of her son's uncles.

  Upon this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of the Castelletto

  and of his friends, became lord of Genoa; and according to the custom

  of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi and the Signor

  Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, came with their forces

  into Lunigiana, and the pope and the king, perceiving the troubles of

  Lombardy to be composed, took occasion with them to annoy Tuscany in

  the Pisan territory, that the Florentines might be weakened by

  dividing their forces. At the close of winter they ordered Roberto da

  San Severino to leave Lunigiana and march thither, which he did, and

  with great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran the country

  around Pisa.

  At this t
ime, ambassadors came to Florence from the emperor, the king

  of France, and the king of Hungary, who were sent by their princes to

  the pontiff. They solicited the Florentines also to send ambassadors

  to the pope, and promised to use their utmost exertion to obtain for

  them an advantageous peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make

  trial, both for the sake of publicly justifying their proceedings, and

  because they were really desirous of peace. Accordingly, the

  ambassadors were sent, but returned without coming to any conclusion

  of their differences. The Florentines, to avail themselves of the

  influence of the king of France, since they were attacked by one part

  of the Italians and abandoned by the other, sent to him as their

  ambassador, Donato Acciajuoli, a distinguished Latin and Greek

  scholar, whose ancestors had always ranked high in the city, but while

  on his journey he died at Milan. To relieve his surviving family and

  pay a deserved tribute to his memory, he was honorably buried at the

  public expense, provision was made for his sons, and suitable marriage

  portions given to his daughters, and Guid' Antonio Vespucci, a man

  well acquainted with pontifical and imperial affairs, was sent as

  ambassador to the king in his stead.

  The attack of Signor Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being

  unexpected, greatly perplexed the Florentines; for having to resist

  the foe in the direction of Sienna, they knew not how to provide for

  the places about Pisa. To keep the Lucchese faithful, and prevent them

  from furnishing the enemy either with money or provisions, they sent

  as ambassador Piero di Gino Capponi, who was received with so much

  jealousy, on account of the hatred which that city always cherishes

  against the Florentines from former injuries and constant fear, that

  he was on many occasions in danger of being put to death by the mob;

  and thus his mission gave fresh cause of animosity rather than of

  union. The Florentines recalled the marquis of Ferrara, and engaged

  the marquis of Mantua; they also as earnestly requested the Venetians

  to send them Count Carlo, son of Braccio, and Deifobo, son of Count

  Jacopo, and after many delays, they complied; for having made a truce

  with the Turks, they had no excuse to justify a refusal, and could not

  break through the obligation of the League without the utmost

  disgrace. The counts, Carlo and Deifobo, came with a good force, and

  being joined by all that could be spared from the army, which, under

  the marquis of Ferrara, held in check the duke of Calabria, proceeded

  toward Pisa, to meet Signor Roberto, who was with his troops near the

  river Serchio, and who, though he had expressed his intention of

  awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the camp at Lunigiana, which he

  had quitted upon coming into the Pisan territory, while Count Carlo

  recovered all the places that had been taken by the enemy in that

  district.

  The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the direction

  of Pisa, assembled the whole force between Colle and Santo Geminiano.

  But the army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, being composed of

  Sforzeschi and Bracceschi, their hereditary feuds soon broke forth,

  and it was thought that if they remained long in company, they would

  turn their arms against each other. It was therefore determined, as

  the smaller evil, to divide them; to send one party, under Count

  Carlo, into the district of Perugia, and establish the other at

  Poggibonzi, where they formed a strong encampment in order to prevent

  the enemy from penetrating the Florentine territory. By this they also

  hoped to compel the enemy to divide their forces; for Count Carlo was

  understood to have many partisans in Perugia, and it was therefore

  expected, either that he would occupy the place, or that the pope

  would be compelled to send a large body of men for its defense. To

  reduce the pontiff to greater necessity, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli,

  who had been expelled from Citta di Castello, where his enemy Lorenzo

  Vitelli commanded, to lead a force against that place, with the view