History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

by Niccolo Machiavelli

of driving out his adversary and withdrawing it from obedience to the

  pope. At the beginning of the campaign, fortune seemed to favor the

  Florentines; for Count Carlo made rapid advances in the Perugino, and

  Niccolo Vitelli, though unable to enter Castello, was superior in the

  field, and plundered the surrounding country without opposition. The

  forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantly overran the country up to the

  walls of Sienna. These hopes, however, were not realized; for in the

  first place, Count Carlo died, while in the fullest tide of success;

  though the consequences of this would have been less detrimental to

  the Florentines, had not the victory to which it gave occasion, been

  nullified by the misconduct of others. The death of the count being

  known, the forces of the church, which had already assembled in

  Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, and encamped

  upon the lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the other side,

  Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the advice of Roberto

  da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was the principal

  commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations,

  determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake,

  upon the site of the memorable rout of the Romans, by Hannibal, the

  Carthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of

  the victory, which did great honor to the commanders, diffused

  universal joy at Florence, and would have ensured a favorable

  termination of the campaign, had not the disorders which arose in the

  army at Poggibonzi thrown all into confusion; for the advantage

  obtained by the valor of the one, was more than counterbalanced by the

  disgraceful proceedings of the other. Having made considerable booty

  in the Siennese territory, quarrels arose about the division of it

  between the marquis of Mantua and the marquis of Ferrara, who, coming

  to arms, assailed each other with the utmost fury; and the Florentines

  seeing they could no longer avail themselves of the services of both,

  allowed the marquis of Ferrara and his men to return home.

  CHAPTER IV

  The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi--

  Dismay in Florence on account of the defeat--Progress of the duke

  of Calabria--The Florentines wish for peace--Lorenzo de' Medici

  determines to go to Naples to treat with the king--Lodovico

  Sforza, surnamed the Moor, and his brothers, recalled to Milan--

  Changes in the government of that city in consequence--The Genoese

  take Serezana--Lorenzo de' Medici arrives at Naples--Peace

  concluded with the king--The pope and the Venetians consent to the

  peace--The Florentines in fear of the duke of Calabria--

  Enterprises of the Turks--They take Otranto--The Florentines

  reconciled with the pope--Their ambassadors at the papal court--

  The pope's reply to the ambassadors--The king of Naples restores

  to the Florentines all the fortresses he had taken.

  The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailing

  in every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces

  near Sienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines,

  finding the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither

  their arms, nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their

  adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength,

  could give them confidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the

  enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in

  all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to

  be taken by the foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the

  armies of those times, that the turning of a horse's head or tail was

  sufficient to decide the fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the

  king's troops with booty, and filled the Florentines with dismay; for

  the city, besides the war, was afflicted with pestilence, which

  prevailed so extensively, that all who possessed villas fled to them

  to escape death. This occasioned the defeat to be attended with

  greater horror; for those citizens whose possessions lay in the Val di

  Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired to them, hastened to Florence

  with all speed as soon as they heard of the disaster, taking with them

  not only their children and their property, but even their laborers;

  so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected every moment in the

  city. Those who were appointed to the management of the war,

  perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the victorious

  forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that direction,

  and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, after their

  victory, plundered the country without opposition; and although the

  Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that it was

  expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people preferred

  defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize those of

  others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good

  fortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of

  Florence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position

  till the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand,

  the enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened

  by the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in

  the districts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso,

  duke of Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town

  itself; sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and

  pillagings encamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered

  very strong; and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the

  Florentines, it was hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the

  republic was able to collect its forces. The Florentines being at

  Santo Casciano, and the enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions

  against Colle, they determined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants

  might be more resolute in their defense, and the enemy assail them

  less boldly. With this design they removed their camp from Santo

  Casciano to Santo Geminiano, about five miles from Colle, and with

  light cavalry and other suitable forces were able every day to annoy

  the duke's camp. All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the

  people of Colle; for, having consumed their provisions, they were

  compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of November, to the great

  grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy, more especially of the

  Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of the Florentines, had a

  particular animosity against the people of Colle.

  It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war,

  that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope of

  peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed

  a truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days

  to consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds

  are well known to be more painful after the blood cools than when they


  were first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a

  consciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens

  openly laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors

  committed in the management of the war, the expenses uselessly

  incurred, and the taxes unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly

  discussed, not only in private circles, but in the public councils;

  and one individual even ventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and

  say, "The city is exhausted, and can endure no more war; it is

  therefore necessary to think of peace." Lorenzo was himself aware of

  the necessity, and assembled the friends in whose wisdom and fidelity

  he had the greatest confidence, when it was at once concluded, that as

  the Venetians were lukewarm and unfaithful, and the duke in the power

  of his guardians, and involved in domestic difficulties, it would be

  desirable by some new alliance to give a better turn to their affairs.

  They were in doubt whether to apply to the king or to the pope; but

  having examined the question in all sides, they preferred the

  friendship of the king as more suitable and secure; for the short

  reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon each succession, the

  disregard shown by their church toward temporal princes, and the still

  greater want of respect for them exhibited in her determinations,

  render it impossible for a secular prince to trust a pontiff, or

  safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the pope will have a

  companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while the

  pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having

  therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest

  utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly

  obtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence

  they evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the

  probability of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo

  having resolved to go to Naples, recommended the city and government

  to the care of Tommaso Soderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of

  Justice. He left Florence at the beginning of December, and having

  arrived at Pisa, wrote to the government to acquaint them with the

  cause of his departure. The Signory, to do him honor, and enable him

  the more effectually to treat with the king, appointed him ambassador

  from the Florentine people, and endowed him with full authority to

  make such arrangements as he thought most useful for the republic.

  At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio

  (Sforza their elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order

  to recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the

  whole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore the

  Sforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them

  to the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio

  Tassino, of Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell

  into the hands of the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his

  duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal attractions, or

  some secret influence, after the duke's death attained such influence

  over the duchess, that he governed the state almost at his will. This

  greatly displeased the minister Cecco, whom prudence and long

  experience had rendered invaluable; and who, to the utmost of his

  power, endeavored to diminish the authority of Tassino with the

  duchess and other members of the government. The latter, aware of

  this, to avenge himself for the injury, and secure defenders against

  Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the Sforzeschi, which she did,

  without communicating her design to the minister, who, when it was

  done, said to her, "You have taken a step which will deprive me of my

  life, and you of the government." This shortly afterward took place;

  for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico, and Tassino, being expelled

  from the dukedom, the duchess was so enraged that she left Milan, and

  gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming sole governor

  of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter seen, the ruin of Italy.

  Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between the

  parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso,

  being in correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the

  place by stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and

  imprisoned the Florentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory,

  for they thought the whole had been concerted with the connivance of

  King Ferrando. They complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with

  the army at Sienna, of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to

  prove, by letters and embassies, that it had occurred without either

  his own or his father's knowledge. The Florentines, however, found

  themselves in a very awkward predicament, being destitute of money,

  the head of the republic in the power of the king, themselves engaged

  in a long-standing war with the latter and the pope, in a new one with

  the Genoese, and entirely without friends; for they had no confidence

  in the Venetians, and on account of its changeable and unsettled state

  they were rather apprehensive of Milan. They had thus only one hope,

  and that depended upon Lorenzo's success with the king.

  Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, not

  only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the

  greatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war

  was undertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the

  power of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being

  admitted to the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon

  the affairs of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his

  hopes from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was

  more astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his

  genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his

  power. He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to

  feel compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as

  an enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from

  December till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of

  his own views, but of those of his city; for he was not without

  enemies, who would have wished the king to detain and treat him in the

  same manner as Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of

  sympathizing for him, pointed out all that would, or rather that they

  wished should, result from such a course; at the same time opposing in

  the council every proposition at all likely to favor him. By such

  means as these the opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at

  Naples much longer, the government of Florence would be changed. This

  caused the king to postpone their separation more than he would have

  otherwise done, to see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But

  finding everything go quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on

  the sixth of March, 1479, having,
with every kind of attention and

  token of regard, endeavored to gain his affection, and formed with him

  a perpetual alliance for their mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to

  Florence, and upon presenting himself before the citizens, the

  impressions he had created in the popular mind surrounded him with a

  halo of majesty brighter than before. He was received with all the joy

  merited by his extraordinary qualities and recent services, in having

  exposed his own life to the most imminent peril, in order to restore

  peace to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between

  the republic of Florence and the king, by which each party bound

  itself to defend the other's territories, was published. The places

  taken from the Florentines during the war were to be taken up at the

  discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in the tower of Volterra

  were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money, for a limited

  period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria.

  As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetians

  were transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected by the

  king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the

  Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war,

  they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this

  description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at

  Florence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give

  rise to greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the

  government determined to confine the consideration of the most

  important affairs to a smaller number, and formed a council of seventy

  citizens, in whom the principal authority was invested. This new

  regulation calmed the minds of those desirous of change, by convincing

  them of the futility of their efforts. To establish their authority,

  they in the first place ratified the treaty of peace with the king,

  and sent as ambassadors to the pope Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi.

  But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso, duke of Calabria, still

  remained at Sienna with his forces, pretending to be detained by

  discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risen so high, that

  while he resided outside the city they had compelled him to enter and

  assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took occasion to draw

  large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way of fines,

  imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; he thus

  became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines, of

  a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then

  available, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king,

  and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was

  entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who

  were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members

  of the government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city

  never was in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in

  similar extremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-

  for event to take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the

  Venetians other matters to think of than those in Tuscany.

  The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. had gone with a large army to the

  siege of Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his

  forces were numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more

  than equalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with

  such obstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in

  disgrace. Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha

  Achmet, approached Velona, and, either from observing the facility of

  the enterprise, or in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting

  along the Italian shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers,

  and attacked the city of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and

  put all the inhabitants to the sword. He then fortified the city and