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Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death

Page 116

by Roger Manvell; Heinrich Fraenkel


  declared.16 Lunching with Hitler on May 29 Goebbels persuaded him to instruct

  Speer, now munitions minister, to have Jewish munitions workers replaced by foreigners.

  That would remove the exemption from deportation on hundreds of Jewish

  families. Implying that he was well aware of the ultimate fate of the evacuees Goebbels

  dictated that he saw a major danger in having forty thousand Jews ‘with nothing

  more to lose’ running loose in the Reich capital. He incidentally also advised Hitler

  to liquidate Berlin’s prison population while he could. ‘We have lost so many idealists

  in this war,’ echoed Goebbels, thinking of Tonak, ‘that we have to exact a like

  measure from the negative criminal fraternity.’17

  Hitler told him he saw the hand of the Jews behind many plots fronted by ordinary

  Germans. ‘That is why,’ urged Goebbels, ‘the Jewish danger has to be liquidated

  whatever the cost.’ He described how the westernized Jews, once back in their eastern

  ghetto-habitat, became typical ghetto-Jews again, brutal and vindictive. Hitler

  agreed that it would be a mistake to evacuate Jews to Siberia: ‘Living the hard life

  there would without doubt turn them into a virulent breed again. That’s why he

  would prefer them to be settled in Central Africa: there they’ll be living in a climate

  which definitely won’t make them tough and resilient.’ ‘At any rate,’ concluded

  Goebbels, ‘it’s the Führer’s aim to rid western Europe of the Jews entirely.’18

  Too many Jews were already hearing rumours from the B.B.C. and other sources

  about the fate awaiting the Jews. Goebbels learned in January 1942 that their radiomonitoring

  agencies, and particularly the foreign ministry’s Seehaus service (a ‘mammoth

  atrocity-propaganda concern’ run from a former restaurant on the Wannsee)

  were distributing defeatist digests throughout official Berlin; 180 copies were going

  Ribbentrop’s ministry alone.19 Hitler gave him immediate powers to prune the lists

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  of recipients. Soon afterwards he was granted high-level access to the top-secret

  signals-intelligence and intercept digests prepared by Göring’s Forschungsamt.20

  Goebbels expressed an interest only in those ‘brown pages’ bearing upon foreign

  policy; although the Reichsmarschall usually limited distribution of these intercepts

  on a strictly need-to-know basis, he humoured this curiosity and Goebbels’ liaison

  officer Dr Severitt brought, in his locked dispatch box, sheaves of reports such as on

  Molotov’s secret deals with the British government in May.

  sTALIN was losing; he needed the Allies. The pendulum was swinging back in Hitler’s

  favour. The Germans were fighting a gigantic tank battle of Kharkov. The Kerch peninsula

  was back in their hands. They sank a million tons of Allied shipping during

  May 1942, and in the following month, Hitler told Goebbels on May 22, they would

  commission one and a half times as many new submarines as were currently at sea.

  Rommel took Tobruk. When Hitler came to Berlin on May 28 to speak at the Sport

  Palace, he told Goebbels that he now intended to cut off the Caucasus, thus crushing

  the Soviet Adam’s apple.21

  Over Germany, an unnatural calm prevailed at night. Where were Churchill’s bombers?

  Goebbels suggested to his department heads that the British were bluffing to

  forestall Stalin’s demands for a second front.22 Hitler attributed the lull to Britain’s

  dismay at his reprisal raids; he intended to hit back every time and twice as hard. ‘No

  need for us to say we’re doing it,’ he advised Goebbels. ‘We’ll just go ahead and do

  it.’ He did however suggest they put all their art treasures in safe keeping. Then their

  talk drifted on to gloomy reflections about their own mortality. At a certain age,

  reflected Hitler, ones learning outgrew ones energy. The propaganda ministry should

  take this into account: they must provide enough money for Germany’s true geniuses

  to live tox a comfortable old age.23

  The lull ended late on Saturday May 30, 1942. The British bombers returned in

  unprecedented force, attacking Cologne. Goebbels was at first blissfully unaware

  and Hitler’s adjutant failed to track him down—or any other minister; Hitler reached

  Gutterer through the ministry switchboard and told him to start relief operations.

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 709

  Suspecting that Goebbels was illicitly engaged, Gutterer phoned Hermann-Göring

  Strasse and left a discreet message for him to call him urgently ‘whenever he got

  back.’ After directing Hermann Schäfer, their electrical wizard, to take the Reich

  Motor Convoy (Reichsautozug) from Munich to Cologne with its powerful mobile

  generators, kitchens, bakeries, and mobile hospital, Gutterer summoned a ten A.M.

  conference with the other ministries in Goebbels’ appropriately named Pompeii

  Room.24

  A disaster had hit Cologne. The gauleiter was calling it the heaviest raid ever. Churchill

  was talking of a ‘thousand bomber’ raid, the German air staff of seventy bombers

  (of which they claimed to have shot down forty); while Goebbels assumed that Churchill

  was exaggerating a bit, he felt that seventy was far too low. Massive retaliation was

  out of the question, as the Luftwaffe had its main weight on the eastern front. Hitler

  struck at Canterbury, but had only seventy bombers for the purpose. An unseemly

  propaganda war developed. The American press spoke of an earthquake hitting Cologne,

  and inflated the casualties—they claimed sixty thousand dead (the real figure

  was 474).25 Significantly changing his tactics, Goebbels authorised live radio interviews

  with survivors like those broadcast by the B.B.C. at the height of the Nazi

  blitz.26

  His shortwave broadcasts to North American linked these ‘terror raids’ to the Jewish

  problem, accusing Roosevelt’s ‘propaganda kikes’ of ‘yiddling’ while Cologne

  burned.27 He did not underestimate the Americans’ propaganda; he particularly feared

  their seductive theme that the Allies were fighting the Nazis, and not the German

  people. If the British had struck this chord, he admitted to his staff, it could have

  been fatal.28 His best hope was to drive a wedge between London and Washington, as

  once he had done between London and Paris.29 In broadcasts to American audiences

  he portrayed the British as bunglers who existed only at Stalin’s caprice; then he told

  the British to beware the rapacious, empire-stealing Americans. He depicted the

  United States as disaster-prone and ‘too weak’ to be of real assistance.30 These unsophisticated

  messages worked. ‘One only has to read the [American] newspapers,’

  Roosevelt was informed, ‘or ride in a bus or visit his [sic] club, bar, or coffee shop.’31

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  In Germany meanwhile Goebbels put it about that their ethnic cousins in the United

  States were being forced to wear yellow armbands: and thus the vicious circle was

  completed.32 ‘America talks,’ his shortwave propagandists mocked, ‘but has neither

  the means nor the intention to be a really effective help.’ He began harping on Germany’s

  ‘superior leadership’ to rationalise why all the Allies’ superiority in men and<
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  machines would not avail them.33 He coined the phrase Roosevelt’s War, and began

  putting it about that the president was mentally ill like Woodrow Wilson before

  him.34

  He now controlled a Radio Free America ostensibly run by ‘independent Americans’

  in Europe. Early in July 1942 Goebbels closed down four of the other ten

  ‘black’ transmitters; among those remaining on the air were the New British Broadcasting

  Station (starring William Joyce), a Voice of Free Arabs, and the Russianlanguage

  station directed by ex-communist Albrecht. Goebbels had also set up a

  Voice of Free India as a vehicle for the Indian nationalist Subhas Chandra Bose, a

  former mayor of Calcutta whom he interviewed in July.35 The bamboo rod, he ordered,

  must become a symbol of British rule in India ‘like the police truncheon in

  the System era [i.e., the Weimar republic] in Germany.’36

  As Churchill travelled to Washington Goebbels asked his editors to comment on

  the prime minister’s habit of fleeing abroad each time things went wrong. ‘Tobruk,’

  he wrote, as Rommel captured the strategic North African port, ‘is our revenge for

  Cologne.’ While Britain’s drunken dilettante was squandering his bombers on civilian

  targets, she was losing vital battles elsewhere through lack of air power. ‘Churchill

  is victorious in Parliament,’ he mocked after the British prime minister survived

  another vote of confidence in July 1942: ‘But Germany wins the wars.’37

  This did not include however the guerilla war. When Heydrich died of his injuries,

  the Nazis liquidated the Czech village which had harboured his assassins.38 The Czechs

  as a whole had condemned the murder, and when Schirach talked loosely of ridding

  Vienna of its Czech minority Bormann reminded all the gauleiters that Hitler had

  forbidden any such measures.39 There were other gaffes. In France S.S. Brigadeführer

  Carl Oberg announced plans to execute all the male kinsfolk of assassins: their women

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 711

  would be sent to hard labour, and their children to orphanages. Goebbels said that

  Oberg’s proposals violated every propaganda principle. The inclusion of women and

  children was a gift to the enemy, he said; and hostages should always be taken from

  the same political spectrum as the culprits.40

  He attributed the ominous growth of partisan warfare in Russia to the absence of

  any coherent Ostpolitik.41 Earlier in 1942 he had issued guidelines on how to win

  over all the occupied populations.42 Russian prisoners were unanimous under Nazi

  interrogation that they ‘preferred to die on their feet than to live on their knees.’43 To

  Hitler he hinted that they should set up puppet governments in the Ukraine and

  Baltic states.44 ‘You can’t rule Russia from Berlin,’ he said, criticizing Rosenberg.45

  He felt the latter was impractical, naïve, and hopeless at organisation.46 He drafted a

  decree guaranteeing religious freedom to the Russians, and determined to secure

  Hitler’s approval the next time they met.47 He felt sure that Hitler was being kept in

  the dark about the partisan war. From all quarters he was urged to take it up with

  him.48 He sent Walter Tiessler to point out to Rosenberg once again that their enemy

  was bolshevism, not Russia as such. Rosenberg ducked the issue, and the infighting

  went on.49

  Another problem was that German visitors to Russia, like the archæologists that

  Rosenberg had recently sent, were finding things there less primitive than Goebbels

  had painted.50 The Germans were learning that the Russians too were capable of

  fighting and dying for a cause. Russian commanders outnumbered in the fighting for

  Sevastopol had chosen to blow up their entire position rather than surrender. Knowing

  the German weakness for heroic idols, Goebbels suppressed all such reports.

  ‘National Socialism,’ he lectured to his staff, ‘teaches that bolshevism is not an ideology,

  but the effluence of subhuman, criminal, and Jewish instincts.’ He could never

  forget that in their midst lived five million former communist voters: the disease was

  only in remission; it had not been extinguished. The sewer rat, he said, reverting to

  customary Nazi imagery, would always prove more hardy than the domestic pet.

  Thus their reporting must distinguish between the heroism of the German soldier

  and the animal survival-instinct of the Russians.51 He wrote an essay on this problem

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  for Das Reich and circulated it throughout the party. ‘The superior race will triumph

  over the inferior one,’ he asserted, ‘no matter what infernal means the latter may use

  to escape its personal fate.’52

  BRITAIN’S fortunes were now at their lowest ebb. Rommel’s exhausted Axis armies

  reached El-Alamein and dug in, Goebbels’ propaganda blared promises of independence

  to the Egyptians. On the high seas Hitler’s submarines had sunk seven hundred

  thousand tons of shipping during June. In the first days of July his submarines and

  bombers in the Arctic mauled the Russia-bound Anglo-American convoy PQ.17 so

  badly that the next convoy-run was abandoned.

  Stalin, speculated Goebbels, must be furious with Churchill’s failure. Perhaps he

  would one day be willing to come to terms. Germany would certainly not reject any

  overtures.53 From his close study of Soviet newsreels he concluded that Stalin was a

  quiet, dogged type; head and shoulders above the pigmies of the western democracies.

  ‘That man has style,’ he said.54 Moscow’s clamour for a Second Front—a British

  invasion of the continent—grew throughout July.55 On the twenty-third Goebbels

  warned his staff that given Churchill’s ‘unstable’ character an invasion in the west

  was quite probable.56 German propaganda had, he pointed out, no interest in provoking

  such an event; on the contrary, they must do all they could to help Mr Churchill

  represent his air raids as a viable substitute for a Second Front.57 He dealt with such

  an invasion in a Reich article on August 2, entitled ‘Don’t even try it.’ Its sardonic

  tone almost violated his own guidelines: ‘We extend to the British a hearty invitation

  to come over,’ he taunted. ‘We hope they’ll bring a few Americans along too…’58

  Churchill hurried to Moscow. Goebbels ordered the Nazi media to dwell on every

  detail of the prime minister’s humiliation—for example, that Stalin did not even

  bother to meet him at the airport.59

  Hitler had meanwhile shifted his summer HQ to Vinnitsa in the Ukraine. In mid

  August he asked Goebbels to fly down to discuss the domestic situation ‘and foreign

  policy,’ as the minister noted. ‘He also intends to give me special powers to take over

  civil defence.’60 He had spent several days touring the blitzed cities.61 As his plane

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 713

  landed at Vinnitsa on August 19 events in France were taking a dramatic turn. Two

  brigades of Canadian troops were storming the beaches on either side of Dieppe. By

  midday the landing force had been all but wiped out.62 Hitler told Goebbels the next

 

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