Book Read Free

The Moé Manifesto

Page 16

by Patrick W. Galbraith


  N

  HA, I

  to the private. What I am saying

  SO

  IDE

  is that there is no grand narra-

  © S

  tive that is shared by everyone and

  holds society together. The decline

  of that grand narrative coincides

  with postmodernity. Until the 1970s,

  Japan was unifi ed by shared expe-

  riences of the Second World War,

  Top: Fukashina mono no sekai;

  bottom: Mojo genron f-kai

  the destruction of the nation, and

  APPLYING PRESSURE TO THE MOE

  ´ POINTS

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 171

  13/2/14 10:41 AM

  172

  its rebuilding. People

  were interested in the

  PRESS

  TAO

  same social phenom-

  ena. By the 1970s, the

  MINNESF

  O

  process had run its

  TY

  ERSI

  course, and people

  V

  UNI

  began to lose interest

  Y

  EST

  in the grand narrative,

  UROC

  or splinter off to pur-

  Otaku: Japan’s Database Animals

  sue other narratives.

  Those who started to pursue fi ctional grand narratives through the medium of anime were known as otaku.

  PG: In your book, Otaku: Japan’s Database Animals, you talk about the ways in which otaku consume media. Can you explain what you mean?

  AH: I argue in my book that otaku don’t approach a work just as a narrative; they also break the work down and focus on its elements. These can be elements of the production such as characters and settings, or aspects of the design, or the artwork in key frames. As consumers, they want to know how the work is produced, so that they can break it down and reconstruct something else. This phenomenon is postmodern, and it’s not unique to otaku—it happens everywhere in the world. What otaku are doing can also be seen in the remixing culture of hip-hop music, for example. But otaku comprise the only subculture born in postwar Japan. While many other trends come from abroad, manga and anime inspired a unique fan culture in Japan.

  PG: What does moé mean to you?

  AH: When I published my book in 2001, the word moé was extremely minor in Japan. It has since spread and is used widely. In the original meaning, it was something only used when talking about characters—you didn’t say you felt moé for a human being.

  Moé referred to a sort of perverse way of experiencing feelings of love—loving a fi ctional character as though it was a real person.

  AZUMA HIROKI

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 172

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  173

  But when the word spread into the mainstream it lost a lot of its original meaning.

  PG: How does moé relate to otaku consumption of media?

  AH: Feeling moé for a character has little to do with your feelings for the work the character appears in. The extreme example is the manga and anime series Lucky Star (2007). I get the impression that most of its fans have never seen the original work. And actually Lucky Star doesn’t even have an overarching narrative that ties the episodes together. There are just many, many cute characters. People refer to Lucky Star as moé media because it is all about how much the fans love the characters. The characters are designed in such a way as to draw people in; they are amal-gamations of elements of design that fans respond to as moé.

  This is different from a novel, for example, where the characters NETOH

  A SWAKO

  AD

  2004 / K

  MIAG

  KA

  SHIMIZU

  O Y

  ©R

  TA SY

  Lucky Star

  CKUL

  APPLYING PRESSURE TO THE MOE

  ´ POINTS

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 173

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  174

  are important because of their role in the story, and the story is what makes the characters interesting. Moé media is the opposite, because the characters themselves are interesting and do not require a story. If you look at this phenomenon through the lens of what I call database consumption, you can observe that stories can be broken down into characters, and characters can be broken down into elements of design, and this can all be remixed endlessly to create feelings of moé. The original work and whatever narrative it might have had matters less than fans’ response to the characters. It is possible in the Japanese market to like a character without having any interest in the original work.

  PG: To demonstrate this point in your book, you use the example of the character Di Gi Charat, the mascot of the store Gamers.

  She is an assemblage of elements of character design that fans g

  like, and though she was in the

  he

  beginning not attached to a

  manga or anime narrative, Di

  i

  Gi Charat became very popu--

  lar. The Toho Project series of

  games and the Hetalia: Axis

  Powers web comics (2006–

  present) have also become

  mega successful franchises

  because so many fans love

  the characters. What do you

  think of such phenomena?

  C

  AH: The ability of creative

  N

  HA, I

  people in Japan to develop

  S

  TONE

  characters is truly impres-

  U / G

  sive. The character designs

  AZKE

  are also excellent. But on

  ID

  the other hand, the abil-

  YA HU

  ity to develop narratives

  IMAR

  Hetalia: Axis Po

  is suffering. The manga

  wers

  © H

  AZUMA HIROKI

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 174

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  175

  and anime Lucky Star, which be-

  came successful without a story

  stor ,

  y

  ,

  is symptomatic of the Japanese

  nese

  market. Japanese manga is

  *OB

  traditionally built on a foun-

  n-

  -DON

  dation of great stories, be-

  E

  OG K

  ginning with Tezuka Osamu’s

  u’

  TIONA

  manga after the Second World

  TRSU

  War. In TV anime, we have works

  w

  LL I /

  such as Space Battleship Yamato,

  mato Mo-

  Mo-

  bile Suit Gundam, and Neon Gene-

  Gene-

  ROCCOLI B

  sis Evangelion. Story is important

  ortant

  ©

  to the success of these works,

  rks,

  but this is not the case with

  h

  Lucky Star. Creators are

  focusing more on devel-

  oping characters, because

  characters are what the

  fans want. And if the

  fans love the characters,

  then they will buy the Blu-ray

  ray

  Discs, the music CDs, and the

  Mascot character Di Gi Charat

  fi gurines. Director Kamiyama Kenji

  purposefully developed a story for the anime series Eden of the East (2009), but the market is against people like him.

  PG: How do fanzines fi t in with your argument?

  AH: Fanzines are important as an example of narrativ
es breaking down and fans focusing on characters. Anime characters were the focus of successive booms in fanzines in the 1980s.

  I fi rst visited Tokyo’s gathering for producers of fanzines, the Comic Market, in 1984 or 1985, and fanzines devoted to characters from manga and anime series such as Urusei yatsura (1981–86) and Captain Tsubasa (1983–86) were everywhere. The fans were responding to characters, without a doubt. Actually, APPLYING PRESSURE TO THE MOE

  ´ POINTS

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 175

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  176

  to me, Urusei yatsura is really an ancestor of bishojo games and moé media—a completely useless male character is surrounded by all these cute girl characters, including Lum, an alien girl who wears a bikini and is in love with this male character. The tendency to prefer characters and consume them independently of the story is much more pronounced after 1995 with the massive fan response to the characters of Neon Genesis Evangelion. Fanzines became even more popular in the 1990s.

  PG: Do you think that moé has gone global?

  AH: Since the early 2000s, people in the government have run out of things to do and have taken to promoting manga and anime under the banner of Cool Japan. They think manga and anime will become part of global popular culture. The people behind the Cool Japan program are a bunch of megalomaniacs with delusions of grandeur. Japanese manga and anime may be popular overseas, but there is a difference in taste. In Japan, otaku are into anime production houses such as Kyoto Animation and Shaft. Overseas, people want to see animation released by Studio Ghibli and Production I.G. Japanese otaku are into anime directors such as Yamamoto Yutaka and Shinbo Akiyuki, but people overseas like Miyazaki Hayao and Oshii Mamoru. And I think it’s true to say that the United States, for example, really only accepts a slightly watered down version of moé. But having audiences with different tastes might encourage creators in Japan to go in new directions, which would be healthy for the anime industry as a whole.

  PG: Why do you think that moé is more prevalent in Japan?

  AH: Japan has the Comic Market. This is not just a market for fan-produced works, but a system teaching people how to break down anime and manga and create new works. This not only strengthens the tendency to consume characters, but is a mechanism for bringing up a new generation of producers and consumers. The pedagogical function of the Comic Market is incredible. Without this, the otaku consumption pattern wouldn’t AZUMA HIROKI

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 176

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  177

  have progressed so rapidly. Look at the size

  size

  of the Comic Market [550,000 people at--

  tended in three days in 2008]—there is

  nothing like it elsewhere. When middle

  school students attend this event, they

  think that this is what anime and mang

  ga

  are about. People buy products and they

  y

  circulate. It is amazing what a central

  and important role this market plays.

  There is nothing like this elsewhere in

  the world.

  *

  PG: How would you like otaku and moé to be to be

  OB

  studied?

  -DONE

  AH: First, we should be aware that the wa

  w ys

  ays

  OG K

  of evaluating manga, anime, and games differ

  diff

  TIONA

  TR

  from country to country. It is necessary to

  o

  SU

  LL I

  understand diversity. We also have to be

  /

  aware of history. When we examine his-

  ROCCOLI

  tory, we fi nd that defi nitions are chang-

  B©

  ing all the time, including defi nitions of

  words such as otaku and moé, and this is a political and social process. Defi nitions

  are always political. It would be useful to

  consider how otaku are seen from abroad,

  d,

  and for Japanese and non-Japanese to ex--

  change their ideas. This would require Jap-

  p-

  anese to be able to speak in other languages,

  es,

  and for those interested in studying Japan to

  n to

  read Japanese and gain a deeper understanding.

  anding

  .

  There is a tendency to focus on images when

  whe

  h n

  discussing otaku culture, but I would to grateful f l

  Di Gi Charat

  if scholars took more of an interest in the dis-

  course, debates, and history surrounding the subject. You can’t study otaku without taking account of environmental factors.

  APPLYING PRESSURE TO THE MOE

  ´ POINTS

  MOE_19_170-177.indd 177

  13/2/14 10:42 AM

  178

  Interview with

  Saito Tamaki

  Saito Tamaki, born in 1961, is

  a psychiatrist specializing in

  puberty and adolescence. He

  is most famous for his book Sento

  bishojo no seishin bunseki (2000), trans-

  lated and published in English as

  Beautiful Fighting Girl (2011), which

  is an exploration of otaku sexuality.

  Saito’s work is something of a re-

  sponse to a period of otaku bashing in

  Japan in the 1990s, when pundits in

  the mass media debated whether se-

  rial killers such as Miyazaki Tsutomu

  or representatives of the apocalyptic

  cult Aum Shinrikyo might be otaku

  that have lost sight of reality and

  social norms. With a sensitivity that

  was rare at the time, Saito spoke with

  fans of manga, anime, and games,

  and came to the conclusion that

  these fans are not confused about the

  difference between reality and fi ction,

  NNA

  but rather are attracted to fi ctional

  CHUM S

  characters as such. In this interview,

  ZT

  FRI

  Saito revisits his book, and explains

  Y B

  PH

  how a love of manga and anime fi c-

  RAGO

  tion leads to the development of

  TO

  PH

  unique orientations of desire.

  SAITO TAMAKI

  MOE_20_178-192.indd 178

  13/2/14 10:44 AM

  179

  Otaku Sexuality

  Unique Orientations of Desire

  Patrick W. Galbraith (PG): How did you

  u

  become interested in otaku?

  Saito Tamaki (ST): As someone infl u-

  PRESS

  enced by the psychoanalytic theory

  TAO

  of Jacques Lacan, I take an inter-

  MINNES

  est in people who are interested in

  F

  O

  TY

  something. Otaku are extremely clear

  ERSIV

  about their desires. They know pre-

  UNIY

  cisely what they want and, as we

  EST

  UR

  see in discussions of moé, they can

  OC

  express this in vivid detail. I am in-

  terested in the way they talk about

  Beautiful Fighting Girl

  Beautiful Fighting Gi

  their interests.

  rl

  PG: What is your defi nition of moé?

  ST: Moé is quasi-love felt for a fi ctional character. There are those who attempt to analyze it furt
her, but I think that the basic points are that it is something felt for fi ctional characters and that it is something like love.

  PG: What do you mean when you talk about otaku sexuality?

  ST: Otaku can fulfi ll their desires interacting with fi ctional characters, which exist in what they call the “two-dimensional”

  world. When I wrote my book in 2000, it was assumed that drawings of cute girls were a substitute for real girls. The thinking was that those who could not make it with women in reality projected their desires into fantasy. But with otaku that was OTAKU SEXUALITY

  MOE_20_178-192.indd 179

  13/2/14 10:44 AM

  180

  never the case. The desires for the three-dimensional and the two-dimensional are separate.

  PG: In your book, you say that desire can be asymmetrical. Can you explain?

  ST: Desire does not have to be symmetrical—you can desire something in the two-dimensional world that you don’t desire in the three-dimensional world. Let me give you some examples.

  There is a truism in otaku culture that those who feel moé for little sister characters in manga and anime don’t have little sisters. If these men actually had sisters, then the reality of that would ruin the fantasy. If the object exists in reality, then it is not moé. So, you can feel moé for maid characters in manga and anime, but

  that has noth-

  Oreimo: little sister

  Kousaka Kirino

  ing to do with

  actual women who

  are paid to work as

  housekeepers. These

  men don’t have

  maids, and if they

  did, the fantasy

  would be ruined.

  You see, the maid

  character in manga and

  anime is nothing at all like

  a real maid, so therefore

  IP

  desire for her is asymmetri-

  O /S

  cal. This is not just some-

  RKO

  thing among male otaku,

  WIA

  either. The women who

  I MEDCIS

  read “boys’ love” manga

  A /

  do not necessarily have gay

  friends or an interest in ho-

  FUSHIMI

  ASA

  mosexual men.

  KU

  © TS

  SAITO TAMAKI

  MOE_20_178-192.indd 180

  13/2/14 10:44 AM

  181

  PG: Can you explain why desire for fi ctional characters is so pronounced in Japan?

  ST: It is my impression that if men come into contact with manga, anime, and games, a certain portion will become otaku.

  This has little to do with personal history, and much to do with environmental factors such as encountering the right character at the right time of life and being among people who don’t dis-courage falling in love with a fi ctional character. If you compare American comics and cartoons with Japanese manga and anime, you will notice that the Japanese characters are much cuter.

 

‹ Prev