The Book of Memory
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canon of Rouen, and chaplain to Cardinal Robert de Sommercote. He died
not later than 1260. He is remembered for a work that exists in many
manuscripts of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, Li Bestiaire d’amours;
so popular was it in its day that it acquired a critical answer from an
unnamed woman, Li Response du Bestiaire. 8 Richard had designed his text
as a picturebook, the writing and seventy-plus drawings of animals forming
a unit. He explains his plan in a preface. All people by nature desire
knowledge, he says, and because they live so short a time, they must rely
upon the knowledge gained by others as well as their own experiences. To
gain such knowledge, God has given the human soul the ability of memory. 9
Memory has two gates of access, sight and hearing, and a road particular to
each of these portals. These roads are called painture and parole. 10
Painture serves the eye and parole the ear. Both are equal means of access
to the ‘ house of memory,’ which holds all human knowledge of the past,
and each has cognitively the same effect. But the painture of a text is not
confined only to the pictures painted on a page, as Richard de Fournival
makes clear. Its painture also includes the mental images which it raises in its
readers’/listeners’ minds: ‘‘When one sees painted a story, whether of Troy or
something else, one sees those noble deeds which were done in the past
exactly as though they were still present. And it is the same thing with
hearing a text, for when one hears a story read aloud, listening to the events
one sees them in the present.’ 11 It is significant that Richard uses the verb veir
of what happens in memory both from something received from sight and
from hearing. Because it is translated into predominantly visual images by
the mind, even lectio, lire, ‘‘reading-aloud,’ creates painture. Thus, seeing is
not confined to silent reading, any more than speaking is to reading aloud.
Because memory has these two gates, Richard says, he has designed his
book to be especially memorable by enhancing both its painture and parole.
In saying this he does not mean simply that he has put together a book with
illustrations, although he has done this as well. ‘‘And I will show you how
this text has both painture and parole,’’ he continues: ‘‘For it is clear that it
has parole, because all writing is made in order to signify parole and in order
that one should read it: and when one reads it aloud, writing returns to the
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nature of parole [speech]. On the other hand, it is clear that it also has
painture because the letter does not exist unless one paints it [that is, unless
one gives it a visible form].’’12 Richard claims for his book rhetorical
energeia/enargeia, or ‘‘bringing-before-the-eyes,’’ that much-prized quality
of vividness which takes hold of a reader’s imagination and, especially in
narrative, enables one to experience the events as though they were happen-
ing before one’s very eyes and ears.13
‘ For I send you in this writing [cis escrit],’ continues Richard, ‘ both
painture and parole, so that when I am not present this writing by its painture
and by its parole will make me present to your memory.’’14 Richard refers to
his picture book, underscoring that it has both painture and parole, and that
together both will make him present to its readers in their memories. This is
a remarkable restatement of the idea, found in Isidore, that letters are signs of
sounds (voces) which in turn signify things. A written word has both visual
shape (its painture) and calls to mind sound (its parole); which one of these
two senses affords the gate to memory thus depends not on whether a text
was composed orally or in writing, but on how it is presented to its audience
on a given occasion, whether by being read aloud or silently to oneself. The
distinction Richard makes here is related to the long-standing, and at this
time universal, one between legere clare and legere tacite, which require
different tasks from a reader. In either case, the sensory gateway is always
dual (though the proportions of seeing and hearing differ according to the
two types of reading), for all words are both shape and sound by their very
nature, and all sensory impressions are processed so as to act upon memory
in the same way, making what is no longer physically before one present to
the mind’s eye. [O]n les ve¨ıst, ‘‘one sees them,’ says Richard of the events in
the story of Troy, whether through looking at their pictures, reading and
listening about them in words, or – best of all – both at once.
Thus the visual presentation of a text was considered, at least by the
learned, to be a part of its meaning, not limited to the illustration of its
themes or subjects but necessary to its proper reading, its ability-to-be
significant and memorable. Malcolm Parkes has spoken of punctuation
and other aspects of lay-out as the ‘‘visual grammar’’ of language, as
necessary to comprehension as the pauses and accents of spoken language. 15
This is another way of saying, in essence, that language has both painture
and parole in its nature, precisely what Richard is talking about.
The idea is articulated often. When, at the beginning of La vita nuova,
Dante addresses his readers to explain the genesis of his work, he says that
‘‘in the book of my memory’’ he found ‘‘a rubric which says: Incipit vita
nova. Under which rubric I find written the words which it is my intention
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to copy into this little book; and if not all, at least their substance.’’16
Somewhat later (2: 10), he refers to words ‘‘scritte ne la mia memoria sotto
maggiori paragrafi,’’ ‘‘written in my memory under large paraphs.’’ Charles
Singleton has written cogently on Dante’s use of this conceit to govern the
progress and nature of his work, and the extent to which the image of
himself as the scribe and glossator of a previously extant text is exploited. 17
In composing, Dante sees the work in visual form, written in his memory
as pages with text, rubrics, and paraphs. Notice also that he treats his own
work as though it were an auctor, which he will treat sententialiter as he
wishes to adapt it, unconstrained by verbatim quotation.
In a similar fashion, the English poet, John Lydgate, begins a poem on
‘ The Fifteen Joys and Sorrows of Mary’’ by describing how he came to write
it. First, he saw a Pity ‘ sett out in picture,’ that is, the painted scene we now
call the Pietà. As he inspects this meditacioun closely (and the picture itself is
termed the meditation), it resolves itself into ‘ Rubrisshes departyd [separate
rubrics] blak and Reed / Of ech chapitle a paraf in the heed / Remembryd
first Fifteene of her gladynessys / And next in ordre were set hyr hevy-
nessys.’ 18 Like Dante, Lydgate thinks of his poem as laid out in his memory
like a written page, with an illumination, text, rubrics, and paraphs, a page of
the book of his memory that seems in lay-out very like that of a fifteenth-
century Book of Hours, which is the sort of memory book that a fifteenth-
century poet’s readers would know best. Memoria is stored and inventoried
in such divisions, inscribed as visual images; this was the elementary peda-
gogy which Dante and Lydgate shared, and which long predates them both.
I have already mentioned a passage from Chaucer’s The House of Fame, in
which all the voices, the parole, of human beings are described as rising from
earth to Fame’s house, where they assume the shape of those who spoke
them. It is an exceptionally exact realization in poetry of the traditional
medieval understanding of what words are. These human paroles do more
than just represent (in form and time) the voces of those who spoke them,
they also come clothed in language’s graphic form, its manuscript painture:
Whan any speche ycomen ys
Up to the paleys, anon-ryght
Hyt wexeth lyk the same wight
Which that the word in erthe spak,
Be hyt clothed red or blak,
And hath so very hys lyknesse
That spok the word that thou wilt gesse
That it the same body be,
Man or woman, he or she.
(House of Fame, 1074–1082)
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9. University of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Bodley 717, fo. 287v (?Norman, late 11th
century). The inscription above the drawing of the scribe reads ‘‘Imago pictoris et
illuminatoris huius operis. Hugo pictor,’’ ‘‘The image of the painter and
illuminator of this work. Hugh the painter.’’
The figures are clothed in red or black, according to the ink in which the
letters forming these words were written. Chaucer has peopled his House
of Fame with literature that has both painture and parole. He also gives us a
precise image of how litterae, written in black and red, are signs of voces
(both voices and words) and voces re-present in our memories those no
longer immediately present to us.19
The scribe who wrote out the letters was often identified as the painter or
picturer of the manuscript. For example, a late eleventh-century manuscript,
perhaps from Normandy (figure 9), pictures a monk named Hugo, with his
scribal pen and knife, identifying the portrait as ‘‘imago pictoris et illuminatoris
huius operis.’’ Very similar is a portrait of a monk named Isidore in a manu-
script of 1170 written for the cathedral at Padua, which calls him the painter of
the manuscript, yet shows him in the act of writing. And the nun Guda wrote
in her colophon, ‘ peccatrix mulier scripsit quae pinxit hunc librum.’ 20 Indeed,
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the earliest medieval evidence suggests that at that time, too, the scribe was
most often also the book’s decorator, and that often when an author wrote out
his own text he also punctuated and decorated it in a scheme that he intended
copyists to preserve. The Latin verb, distinguere, means ‘ divide up,’ ‘‘mark,’
‘ punctuate,’ and ‘ decorate,’ all activities pertaining to the fundamental task
of divisio. Thus, Jerome admonishes later copyists to preserve his punctu-
ation of the Bible. There is evidence that Eusebius himself designed the
Canon Tables named for him; the decoration of the fourth-century
Virgilius Augusteus (MS. Vat. lat. 3256) was done by the scribes. The earliest
illustrations in books occur at the beginning of sections of the text in order to
mark its divisions, thus serving as what Carl Nordenfalk called ‘ a kind of
pictorial rubrics.’ 21 The Augusteus manuscript of Virgil has colored initials,
the earliest surviving examples of this feature, at the beginning of the first
line occurring on each page, but such large initials were soon used to mark
the beginning of each major division of a text. The monks at St. Albans in
the twelfth century described the finishing of a text by decorator and
rubricator as a task of exacting division, ‘‘ad unguem,’’ which they were
proud to have done ‘‘irreprehensibiliter.’’22 Though the forms of decora-
tion and rubrication they put in their book were very different from those
in fourth-century use, their phrase recalls that of St. Ambrose laboring over
his books distinguendam ad unguem. Nordenfalk observes that book dec-
oration was born of ‘‘the necessity of providing a dividing and supporting
framework for tabular texts,’’ such as lists of numbers, or names of persons
and places, or ‘‘words divided into syllables by punctuation.’’23 Such
phenomena need the ‘‘visual grammar’’ that lines and columns provide
because they have no grammar of their own. But whereas the earliest kind
of decoration one finds in papyri is of this sort, I do not think that
decoration was generated solely to organize lists. It is rather a subspecies
of punctuation itself, and thus basic to reading and retention, for, to quote
again Hugh of St. Victor’s succinct aphorism: ‘‘Modus legendi dividendo
constat.’’ Manuscript decoration is part of the painture of language, one of
the gates to memory, and the form it takes often has to do with what is
useful not only to understand a text but to retain and recall it too.
Imagines rerum in psalters for study
One of the continuing themes in medieval manuscript illumination is the
making of what some art historians have called word-pictures, or images
linked to (or even substituting for) words through a visual pun. The
technique is clearly related to the practice of making mnemonic imagines,
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and examples of it can be found which pre-date by many centuries the
thirteenth-century acceptance of the Ad Herennium. One of the best-
known examples is the Utrecht Psalter, of which a number of medieval
copies were made. In it, picturae and litterae together make up the littera-
tura, the text, and both address the ocular gateway to memory. The
words, however, can also be sounded aloud, and so can also address its
aural gateway, and as signs of voces the images do as well. 24 It is well to keep
mind when considering medieval habits of study, that ‘‘silence’’ was neither
necessarily nor often totally ‘‘quiet,’’ without any sound. 25
Though the manuscript was made in the vicinity of Reims in the ninth
century, the style of its drawings reflects older models, Byzantine and even
late classical. This suggests that these images belong to a long tradition of
imagines rerum associated with the Psalm texts; if the images were thought to
be especially useful – for example, for the memory work of meditative study –
that would help to account for their longevity and continued copying,
which is otherwise something of a mystery. Certainly the excellence of the
Utrecht’s system of Psalm images was recognized at the monastery of
Christ Church, Canterbury, for it was used as a model in the making of
other psalters. It was, for example, copied in the Canterbury scriptorium in
a manuscript that still exists (British Library MS. Harley 603) but uses a
different text of the Psalms than that in the Utrecht Psalter itself, the
Roman text, based on the Old Latin versions, ra
ther than Jerome’s
Gallican version, which used the Greek Septuagint.
If the images were used only as verbatim cues to specific syllables (as
imagines verborum, in the language of memory art), these verbal differences
between the Psalter versions would indeed pose a difficulty, but since they
evidently were not, they have considerable value as imagines rerum for
signaling the chief topics and key ideas of each Psalm in order. The method
of memoria rerum and its fundamental role in meditational exercise accounts
for the image schemes’ value to generations of monks, for the English copies
of the Utrecht Psalter are in fact adapted flexibly to the varied interests and
circumstances over time of those making and using them. They are obviously
study manuscripts. Two of them set out all three medieval versions of the
psalms side by side, plus commentaries and glosses – and one, the Eadwine
Psalter, also contains translations of Psalms into early English and Anglo-
Norman. Tellingly, the designers of these later copies did not merely iterate
the original images but changed them, added to them, and even made up
new ones on their model.26
The Utrecht Psalter demonstrates very well some essentials of the techni-
que known as memoria rerum. Like the others, this psalter is a study book,
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made not for novices just learning their Psalms but for readers who already
have the Psalms by heart, and who therefore can recognize and profit
from the subject- and topic-cues which the images provide. The images
of each Psalm are drawn in a grouped scene at the beginning of each Psalm
text; as a norm, they are read from left to right as one reads written
text, though certain dominant images, such as those of Christ, can be
placed centrally. Many engage in activities which underscore their
relationships.
One example will suffice as an illustration of the technique used for each
of the Psalms.27 Psalm 148, Laudate Dominum, calls upon the various parts
of creation to praise the Lord. It is fairly long, and needn’t be quoted in full,
but a summary of its constituent verses is useful for understanding the
picture-scene which accompanies it in the Psalter (figure 10). The following