A Short History of the Mughal Empire (I.B.Tauris Short Histories)

by Fisher, H, Michael

  In contrast to Shah Jahan’s treatment of Dara, the Emperor deployed his three other sons as governors and commanders throughout his Empire. This gave them administrative and military experience and enabled them to build their own factions. The second eldest, Shah Shuja‘, received his first mansab (10,000/5,000) at 17, rising gradually thereafter. From 1638 onward, he spent much of his career as governor of Bengal and Orissa, building a power base in one of the Empire’s richest agricultural and commercial regions, with a long history of autonomy.

  The fourth son, Murad Bakhsh, received his first mansab (10,000/5,000) even earlier, at 14. Shah Jahan posted him briefly in a series of governorships (Multan, Kashmir, Deccan, Kabul, Malwa, Gujarat) and military commands but repeatedly chastised Murad for repeated misjudgments and proven inadequacies. Nonetheless, despite his disappointing record, as an imperial prince, he received yet other high appointments.

  Over time, Shah Jahan’s third son, Aurangzeb, proved the most successful governing and commanding forces in the Deccan and north-west. Despite his better record, however, he received less recognition; his highest mansab was 20,000/15,000, only a fraction of Dara’s. Still, while governing the Deccan, Aurangzeb assembled and commanded the Empire’s most powerful and battle-hardened armies.

  The actual succession crisis began prematurely, when Shah Jahan suffered a serious intestinal disorder in September 1657. While disabled, he entrusted rule to Dara. Although Shah Jahan recovered by November, the three younger sons had already agreed to combine against Dara. Only a plurality of high mansabdars supported Dara and the imperial cause, so his brothers could collectively overwhelm them.

  Prince Shuja‘ declared himself Emperor and advanced up the Ganges from his long-established Bengal base. Near Banaras, the eastern imperial army under Dara defeated him in 1658. While Shuja‘ fled back to Bengal, Dara’s western army faced the forces mobilized by Murad and Aurangzeb.

  Murad, based in Malwa and Gujarat, also declared himself Emperor and marched toward Agra, with support from Aurangzeb and his forces from the Deccan. This time Dara’s imperial army lost badly. Driving onward, Aurangzeb imprisoned Shah Jahan in Agra. Aurangzeb then claimed the whole Empire at a hurried imperial coronation in July 1658. Desperate, Shah Jahan proposed ending the war by dividing his Empire among his four sons. Instead, Aurangzeb’s army swelled. He seized Murad (executing him in 1661).

  Early in 1659, Aurangzeb crushed advancing Shuja‘. Shuja‘ fled to Bengal and then beyond (eventually, the Arakanese king assassinated him and most followers). Aurangzeb even imprisoned his own eldest son, Muhammad Sultan, who had supported his father-in-law, Shuja‘.

  Meanwhile, defeated Dara escaped to the Punjab, Sind, Gujarat, and Rajasthan, where Aurangzeb’s forces again triumphed. Desperate, Dara fled back into Sind, hoping to seek refuge in the Safavid court. Instead, Aurangzeb’s men captured him. After a show trial for kufr (‘heresy’), Dara was executed in 1659 on Aurangzeb’s orders, as was Dara’s eldest son, Sulaiman Shikoh, in 1662. Thus, the pattern begun with Shah Jahan’s accession—only one prince survived the bloody succession war—recurred at his reign’s end. However, this time, the former emperor remained alive.

  For nearly eight years Aurangzeb kept Shah Jahan closely imprisoned in Agra Fort, bereft of any significant support among mansabdars or his subjects. Jahanara Begum remained his sole prominent attendant until his death from natural causes in January 1666. Even then, Aurangzeb allowed little ceremony for his interment next to Mumtaz Mahal. Aurangzeb, already firmly enthroned and in control, would rule five decades until his death during his ninetieth year in 1707.

  9

  EXPANDING THE FRONTIERS AND FACING CHALLENGES UNDER EMPEROR ‘ALAMGIR, 1658–1707

  The only benefit which we kings derive from our position in the world is the gaining of fame. I had wished that one of my sons would gain it; but it is not to be. I therefore, wish to go (in person)…

  Emperor ‘Alamgir1

  Prince Aurangzeb proved himself the best commander among Shah Jahan’s four sons, sequentially defeating and eliminating the others. After an unprecedented coup against his father, Emperor ‘Alamgir reformed the regime according his own beliefs, often more rigorous than those of his predecessors. He constantly campaigned, asserting his imperial authority over opponents across almost the entire subcontinent. While he did not spare himself, he often saw his subordinates fail to accomplish his goals. Under his direction, the Empire reached its territorial limits, but vital imperial processes were overstrained. In many ways, his nearly half-century reign marked the Empire’s peak and also its significant deterioration.

  ACCESSION, IDEOLOGY, COURT CULTURE AND WARS OF SUPPRESSION, 1658–79

  Rushing north from the Deccan, Prince Aurangzeb conducted lightning military campaigns (1658–9) that gained him the throne. A courtier lauded this momentous achievement:

  … few kings had to fight so many royal battles and lordly encounters … through God’s grace he achieved victory everywhere by dint of his strong arm and sharp sword. But … so great was his humility that he never ascribed these victories to his own powers, but always spoke of them as miracles wrought by God, and ever rendered his thanks to the Creator for this great good fortune by adoration of Allah, the establishment of the Holy Law of the Prophet, and the extinction of all traces of illegal and prohibited practices …. Not for a moment did he yield up his body to repose or slackness.2

  Indeed, his proven record of military victories and personal piety impressed many mansabdars. But omitted in this glorifying account are both that his victories were over his brothers and also that he deposed and imprisoned his father, reigning Emperor Shah Jahan.

  Many members of the Mughal imperial family had previously rebelled against the incumbent emperor, including Jahangir and Shah Jahan himself. But none before had actually deposed and imprisoned the sovereign. Thus, Aurangzeb’s legitimacy was questionable from his rushed initial coronation in 1658 throughout Shah Jahan’s rigorous confinement until his death in 1666.

  During the succession war and thereafter, Aurangzeb sought to convince mansabdars that their careers and the Empire would improve under him, compared to his less competent brothers or enfeebled father. The new emperor largely succeeded in this: most mansabdars eventually supported him and none seriously tried to restore his father. Holding a second, full ceremonial installation on the Peacock Throne in June 1659, he suggested his political goal by selecting his imperial name—‘Alamgir (‘Seizer of the World’). (Although he is commonly known even as emperor by his princely name, Aurangzeb, we will use his chosen title, ‘Alamgir, hereafter.)

  ‘Alamgir mobilized public support from leading Sunni ‘ulama and Naqshbandi pirs throughout his reign. For instance, the Chief Qazi issued a fatwa validating ‘Alamgir’s unfilial and otherwise illegal usurpation as necessary for Islam and the Empire. ‘Alamgir soon appointed a Muhtasib with a staff to enforce Islamic moral standards.

  ‘Alamgir himself consistently sought to behave and govern according to strongly orthodox Sunni beliefs. His personal piety would secure God’s blessing on his Empire and assure its triumphs over its enemies and those of Islam, he believed. Even as a prince, he was known for strictly observing the devotional, dietary and sartorial practices of a sincere Muslim, even pausing amidst heated battle to perform the requisite prayers on time. He kept the Ramadan-month fast and never indulged in drink or opium (which had debilitated so many relatives). As a 26-year-old prince, he had displeased his father by resigning his governorship of the Deccan and begging permission to devote his life to religious devotion; after six months, Shah Jahan ordered him to resume his imperial duties. When companions or loyal servants died, ‘Alamgir personally led commemorative prayers as imam and followed the bier, even while Emperor.3 Late in ‘Alamgir’s life, he sewed prayer caps and copied the Qur’an for sale, with the proceeds going toward his modest personal expenses.

  After ‘Alamgir’s formal enthronement, he began to purify his court’s cult
ure and protocols of his predecessors’ alleged unorthodox and un-Islamic practices. An early reform ended the solar Nauroz (‘New Year’) festivities—a pre-Islamic Iranian tradition celebrated since Akbar’s reign which differed from the lunar Hijri calendar. To protect the Islamic creed from possible disrespect, ‘Alamgir removed it from imperial coins. He sent a richly laden embassy to the Sharif of Mecca seeking validation for his reign; when this first mission failed, he sent a second, eventually gaining the Sharif’s sanction.4

  ‘Alamgir also exchanged embassies with the rulers of Abyssinia, Balkh, Bukhara and Persia, each vying for advantage. In 1666, for instance, Safavid Shah Abbas II sent a condescending missive which ‘Alamgir found insulting and threatening invasion. Although ‘Alamgir prepared for the expected Persian offensive, internal politics there precluded one.

  Since the succession war devastated much of north India, compounded by famines and repeated failures of the vital monsoons, ‘Alamgir officially suspended or abolished some taxes. Further, he performed his charitable obligation as sovereign by increasing food distribution from imperial alms houses. This temporarily aided his exceptionally needy subjects, but ‘Alamgir did not invest in infrastructure for long-term improvements in their condition. Indeed, he evidently never gained the affection of many among his subjects. Perhaps indicative of popular sentiment, throughout his reign, disrespectful insults, sticks and other projectiles were launched toward him as he passed in procession, which even official historians noted (denigrating the perpetrators as insignificant ruffians, disaffected wretches, or ‘mad’).5

  Map 8: Major States and Regions, ‘Alamgir’s Reign

  From his accession onward, ‘Alamgir sought to demonstrate his regime’s power by controlling the Empire’s long-troublesome frontiers and conquering beyond them. For instance, in 1661, he ordered Bihar’s governor to end the persistent resistance of Raja Medini Rai (r. 1662–74), the Charo chieftain in heavily forested south Bihar. Medini Rai had briefly served Shah Jahan, but had revolted. Mughal forces drove him into the jungle and annexed his state. Simultaneously, ‘Alamgir commanded Bengal’s governor to annex hilly Cooch Bihar and Kamrup. After seven years of costly campaigning, Mughal armies forced the Ahom ruler in Assam to submit, cede his western territories and send a daughter to wed ‘Alamgir’s third son, ‘Azam. In 1663, ‘Alamgir ordered Gujarat’s governor to annex Navanagar and Ramnagar kingdoms. In 1665, he directed Kashmir’s governor to force Tibet’s ‘zamindar Dalai’ to submit tribute.6 The next year, Mughal forces seized Chittagong from Portuguese and Arakanese ‘pirates’.7 These early hard-won successes, however, were unexpectedly expensive in financial and human resources. Further, almost every gain proved temporary: imperial administration there soon weakened and many of these rulers regained their territory and independence.

  After long-imprisoned Shah Jahan’s death at age 74, ‘Alamgir sought control over official and public memory of his father. He ordered Shah Jahan’s body be transported by boat without ceremony from his Agra Fort prison to his Taj Mahal grave. In later years, ‘Alamgir instructed his own sons that Shah Jahan was a model of rectitude and himself was the embodiment of filial devotion. Indeed, ‘Alamgir rhetorically questioned one rebellious son: ‘In the race of the Emperors of India which son ever fought against his father … and, with the aim of gaining the crown and the throne, has uplifted the sword in his hand against his own father?’8 ‘Alamgir thus denied any precedent for his sons’ disobedience against him.

  ‘Alamgir’s household contrasts with those of his predecessors, where imperial women held more public prominence, political influence and artistic patronage (albeit customarily from within the harem).9 While ‘Alamgir had various wives, he particularly honored his unmarried sisters and eldest daughter. His nearest elder sister, Roshanara Begum, lobbied on his behalf during the succession and thereafter held influence over him. However, he later shunted her aside when he felt she overreached. He next appointed his eldest sister, Jahanara Begum, to head the harem; he particularly respected her piety. He also favored his eldest daughter, Zeb-un-Nissa. But when she encouraged her brother, Akbar, in revolt, ‘Alamgir confined her for 20 years until her death. During ‘Alamgir’s last decades, he kept his wives distant and directed his second daughter, Zinat-un-Nissa, and a humble consort, Udaipuri Mahal, to attend him.

  Additionally, ‘Alamgir manifested his personal piety by relinquishing his predecessors’ putatively impious pretensions. Considering immoral the near deification of earlier emperors, ‘Alamgir stopped courtiers from prostrating before him. He no longer bestowed an anointing tilak on the forehead of acceding Rajput rulers. He ordered to be removed the two life-size stone elephants ornamenting Agra Fort’s main gate, like a Hindu temple. He also ceased displaying himself for daily darshan by the public.

  To impose more Islamic decorum, ‘Alamgir reduced his court’s pomp. He forbade courtiers from wearing ostentatious garments, including gold or red cloth, considered improper by many devout Muslims. Mansabdars were forbidden ‘ribbon frills in the European style’ on their palanquins or boats.10 Earlier emperors had weighed themselves against gold and other precious substances on the solar and lunar anniversaries of their coronations and births. By 1668, ‘Alamgir ended this practice in his court (although he allowed favored sons to perform this ritual occasionally on recovery from illness, with the wealth distributed charitably). Later, he further reduced the gift-giving and other ceremonies of even his own coronation anniversary. ‘Alamgir also terminated the disputations among advocates of various religious traditions that his predecessors had patronized. Instead, ‘Alamgir listened to orthodox Sunni ‘ulama and Naqshbandi pirs almost exclusively.

  ‘Alamgir had commissioned the official history of his reign, ‘Alamgirnama. But in his tenth regnal year, he ordered this halted (although he did not object to scholars unofficially writing chronicles or compiling biographical dictionaries of notables).11 Similarly, he initially tolerated astrological almanacs, but in 1675 ordered them banned as un-Islamic. Instead, ‘Alamgir ordered his best Sunni ‘ulama to edit in Persian the most authoritative Hanafi legal judgments into the still widely consulted Fatawa-i ‘Alamgiri. Thus, Islamic sciences always received his patronage.

  As a pious Muslim and emperor, ‘Alamgir renounced his own earlier personal pleasures that diverted him from sober fulfilment of his religious and imperial duties. He had frequently indulged in hunting, but he relinquished that pastime. As he advised a son, ‘Hunting is the business of idle persons. It is very reprehensible for one to be absorbed in worldly affairs, and to disregard religious matters.’12 Although ‘Alamgir had been a connoisseur of music, he came to believe music excited emotions, so he eschewed it for himself. He ordered his chief singers, dancers and instrumentalists to cease performing in his court and household, while he continued their salaries. However, he did not ban music for his courtiers and officials; indeed, significant theoretical texts on Hindustani music emerged during his reign under such sub-imperial patronage.13 He even curtailed the naubat (drum ensemble), played to announce imperial arrivals and court rituals. Similarly, he closed the imperial painting atelier and stopped much poetry recitation in court, although courtiers and women in his household, especially his daughter Zeb-un-Nissa, patronized and savored these arts.

  The Moti Mosque, Red Fort, Shahjahanabad, 189014

  In strong contrast with his father, ‘Alamgir commissioned little monumental architecture, although he built, restored or enlarged many mosques. His early, delicately ornamented Moti (‘Pearl’) Mosque (1658–63) within Shahjahanabad’s Red Fort was exclusively for his household and court. His most prominent construction project was the huge Padshahi Mosque (1673–4) adjacent to the Lahore Fort (which he rarely visited).15

  Nor did ‘Alamgir erect grand mausoleums. The tomb in Aurangabad for his first wife, Dilras Banu (d. 1657), was built when he was a prince and not under his direction; indeed, this proved the last major imperial mausoleum.17 ‘Alamgir made his own grave a simple
structure open to the sky, in the courtyard of the fourteenth-century tomb of Chishti Shaikh Zain-ud-Din near Daulatabad. Thus, ‘Alamgir withdrew from the long-established role of emperor as chief taste-setter and art patron; instead, mansabdars and regional rulers developed their own aesthetic styles.

  Map 9: Padshahi Mosque and Lahore Fort Palace Complex16

  Part of ‘Alamgir’s constraint on ostentation also arose from worsening imperial budget imbalances. Personally scrutinizing the accounts, he devoted particular attention to reducing expenses. In 1670, he ordered:

  the diwani [financial] officers … should report to the Emperor the income and expenditure at the end of the year and should bring to the ghusalkhana (every) Wednesday the registers …. Since the reign of Shah Jahan the public expenditure has exceeded the income by [14,000,000] rupees. It was ordered that the privy purse (khalisa) income should be fixed at [40,000,000] rupees, and the expenditure the same. After looking over the accounts of disbursements, His Majesty retrenched many items of the expenditure of the Emperor, the Princes, and the begams.18

  ‘Alamgir tried not to increase zat for the mansabdars collectively. But, the pressures of continued warfare led to increases in sawar (occasionally unconventionally raising it above zat), with extensive use of the 2-3 horse supplement for mansabdars on campaigns.