The American Military - A Narrative History

by Brad D. Lookingbill

  York acted instinctively, but he wished to kill no more than necessary. “Give up,” he yelled to the Germans in the gun pits, “and come on down.” A captured German officer attempted to intercede, promising to “make them give up” if York stopped shooting. The officer blew a whistle, which prompted the Germans to throw down their weapons.

  The remainder of York's patrol helped him to gather the disarmed men into a column, while he kept his pistol trained on the back of the German officer. Eventually, he marched back to regimental lines with 132 prisoners. For his actions that day, he received the Medal of Honor.

  Figure 10.1 Sergeant Alvin C. York, 1919. Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress

  York became the epitome of an American “doughboy” able to do everything by intuition, although no one was prepared for the kind of war that began on August 1, 1914. Triggered by the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, it eclipsed all previous wars among the world's most powerful nations. Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy formed the Triple Alliance, or Central Powers, to battle France, Russia, and Great Britain, who formed the Triple Entente, or Allied Powers. The belligerents fought with machine guns, hand grenades, poison gases, recoilless artillery, tanks, airplanes, and submarines. Fighting in the European trenches demanded men and materials, which the U.S. possessed in abundance.

  The tugs of trans-Atlantic commerce dragged the U.S. into World War I, albeit belatedly. While the nation tried to steer clear of participation initially, progressive impulses helped to organize an industrial society to feed assembly lines as well as howitzer batteries. With no passion for militarism, President Woodrow Wilson vowed to make the world “safe for democracy” and to make it “at last free.” Pacifists in Congress notwithstanding, Americans grew alarmed about the frightening prospect of German domination in Europe. After declaring war on Germany in 1917, the U.S. devised comprehensive measures to mobilize the armed forces without abandoning democratic principles.

  Great Britain and France slighted U.S. contributions to coalition warfare, but the American military gave the Allied Powers a timely advantage in the theater of operations. With exhausted troops staggered by German aggression, the War Department shipped citizen soldiers by the tens of thousands to the Western Front. Naval actions secured sea lanes and protected cargo, which braced many for a prolonged struggle. From Cantigny to Grandpré, the revitalized armies pushed German divisions from their positions and across the battlefields. Though troubled by it all, American “doughboys” came of age in the dramatic events that ultimately brought the war to an end.

  Preparedness

  As Europe slid into war, Wilson proclaimed neutrality and urged the American people to remain “impartial in thought as well as in action.” Though none of the belligerents openly threatened the U.S., the War and Navy Departments began to draft proposals for military expansion. A movement for preparedness spread nationwide, which called for a buildup of the armed forces in order to project American power around the world.

  Appearing aloof from European affairs, the Wilson administration was primarily concerned with projecting power in the western hemisphere. While deploying Marines to Nicaragua, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, Wilson vowed: “I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men.” Though undertaken to promote progressive ideals abroad, the military interventions in Latin America fostered animosity toward the U.S.

  A revolution in Mexico during 1911 degenerated into a civil war, which spawned the dictatorship of General Victoriano Huerta. On April 9, 1914, American sailors were arrested in Tampico, Mexico, where they gathered supplies in support of an insurgent faction. After their release, the naval commander, Rear Admiral Henry T. Mayo, demanded that Mexican officials apologize and salute the U.S. flag. Within weeks, 6,000 Marines and sailors went ashore at Veracruz. More than 200 Mexicans died defending the city, while the American occupiers lost 19 dead and 47 wounded. Wilson ordered a withdrawal of U.S. forces later that year, as Venustiano Carranza, an insurgent leader, took power in Mexico City.

  With war erupting in Europe that summer, Wilson intended to protect U.S. exports of munitions, food, and supplies flowing to the belligerents. American goods poured into Europe, although trade with Germany and Austria declined from $169 million in 1914 to $1.2 million in 1916. At the same time, American trade with Great Britain, France, and Russia quadrupled from $825 million to $3.2 billion. In addition, the British and the French borrowed millions of dollars from private American bankers in order to finance wartime purchases. Concerned about threats to shipping, Congress created the Coast Guard under the Treasury Department in 1915. While a Royal naval blockade disrupted the flow of trans-Atlantic commerce, the U.S. tried to uphold long-standing principles regarding freedom of the seas.

  The German government resolved to break the British blockade with countermeasures provided by underwater boats, or U-boats. According to “cruiser rules,” a submarine was required to surface to verify the nationality of the target and to allow crews and passengers to abandon ship. Preferring to retain the element of surprise, German commanders authorized “unrestricted” submarine warfare. On May 7, 1915, a German U-boat torpedoed a British passenger liner, the Lusitania, in the Irish Sea. The liner quickly sank, which resulted in the loss of nearly 1,200 lives, including 128 Americans. Though Wilson stated that Americans were “too proud to fight,” he issued a stern warning to the German government. The sinking of a French steamer named the Sussex in early 1916 further angered the American public. Promising to halt “unrestricted” submarine warfare, the German government issued the Sussex pledge to keep the U.S. on the sidelines of the European conflict.

  Assuming U.S. involvement in the European conflict sooner or later, advocates for preparedness focused on universal military training, or UMT. With support from former President Theodore Roosevelt and ex-Chief of Staff General Leonard Wood, many envisaged a national service program for all able-bodied 18-year-olds. First organized in Plattsburg, New York, college students and businessmen gathered for privately funded summer encampments that included marching, shooting, and exercise. By the summer of 1916, more than 10,000 volunteers attended 10 different camps nationwide. Foreshadowing the organization of officer candidate schools, many alumni of the Plattsburg camps entered the armed forces thereafter.

  Thanks to the lobbying of non-partisan groups such as the National Security League, the Wilson administration reluctantly endorsed congressional efforts to strengthen the armed forces. In 1916, the National Defense Act enlarged the regular Army as well as the National Guard to compete with Europe's massive forces. Secretary of War Lindley M. Garrison offered a blueprint for a million-man force called the “Continental Army plan,” but he resigned after Congress scuttled it. Nonetheless, Army appropriations included funding for the Council of National Defense, which advised the commander-in-chief on the coordination of resources, finances, agriculture, and industry. That same year, the Naval Construction Act authorized more than $500 million for a three-year expansion program. The preparedness measures by the federal government aroused protests from pacifists, who opposed militarism in any form.

  The debate over preparedness dominated the presidential election cycle of 1916. “He kept us out of war” became Wilson's slogan to rally Democrats, while bellicose Republicans supported Charles Evans Hughes, a Supreme Court justice. On a platform of peace, Wilson won re-election by a razor-thin margin.

  Whereas Wilson regarded America's “melting pot” with suspicion, the war in Europe stoked national anxieties about subversive activities by immigrants. During a “Preparedness Day” parade in San Francisco, California, a bomb detonated on July 22, 1916. Ten people died from the explosion, while dozens suffered serious injuries. Many blamed German saboteurs, though local authorities arrested and tried labor activists for the crime. Eight days later, two explosions damaged warehouses on Black Tom Island in New York Harbor. Shards of metal tore holes in the Statue of Libe
rty nearby, while seven civilians died from the blasts. From the West Coast to the East Coast, other attacks struck munitions factories and naval yards. Under the direction of German authorities, secret agents entered the U.S. and attempted to disrupt the arms shipments to Europe.

  Meanwhile, a civil war in Mexico continued to rage. The unrest in the countryside gave rise to “los banditos” such as Francesco “Pancho” Villa, a frustrated rival of Carranza. In 1916, he seized a train and murdered 16 Americans. Denouncing the gringos, he raided several towns across the border in Texas and in New Mexico. On March 9, his assault on Columbus, New Mexico, killed 17 Americans.

  In retaliation, Wilson asked General John J. Pershing to lead a “Punitive Expedition” across the border. Born in Laclede, Missouri, he graduated from West Point in 1886. Bypassing senior officers while rising through the ranks, he exemplified the charisma of a natural leader. The recent death of his wife and three daughters in a tragic fire seemed to reinforce his resilience. With 11,000 soldiers in his command, Pershing chased Villa through northern Mexico for hundreds of miles. Motorized transports and reconnaissance aircraft facilitated the incursion, but little fighting actually occurred. American residents in Mexico fled northward, creating a refugee problem that required the mobilization of 150,000 National Guardsmen. Sporadic violence in Mexico continued for another decade, but American troops from the “Punitive Expedition” came home within a year. Their vexing experiences along the border prepared many for the difficult months ahead.

  Mobilizing for War

  In early 1917, Wilson announced his plan to stop the war in Europe through active mediation. He called for “peace without victory” and outlined a future in which all nations accepted the Monroe Doctrine as a guarantee of freedom for the entire planet. Moreover, the Russian Revolution created an opportunity for the U.S. to promote democratic principles rather than entangling alliances. Asserting America's prominence on the world stage, the president cast himself in the lead role of a peacemaker.

  Known as the primary architect of the war effort in Germany, General Erich Ludendorff scoffed: “I don't give a damn about America.” In accord with Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg and Foreign Secretary Arthur Zimmerman, he intended to push Great Britain and France to capitulate by cutting off supplies from the U.S. On February 1, the German high command rescinded the Sussex pledge and resumed “unrestricted” submarine warfare. Consequently, German U-boats torpedoed several American ships.

  Unbeknown to Americans, the German government began to explore ways to neutralize the U.S. As the army of Kaiser Wilhelm II planned a major offensive in Europe, Zimmerman believed that Mexico represented a potential partner to keep the American military at bay. He also intended to make overtures toward Japan. British officials intercepted a secret telegram sent to Mexico from Zimmerman, who proposed an alliance to help the Mexicans regain “lost provinces” from the U.S. However, the Mexican government expressed no interest in launching a diversionary war along the border. After the Zimmerman telegram became public on March 1, 1917, the Wilson administration denounced the scheme.

  Breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany, the Wilson administration decided to call upon Congress to declare war. On April 2, 1917, the president appeared before a joint session to deliver a dramatic speech, which condemned the “Prussian autocracy” and their “warfare against mankind.” Despite fierce opposition from pacifists, Congress passed a declaration of war a few days later.

  After Wilson signed the declaration of war, he issued an executive order establishing the Committee on Public Information, or CPI. Under the guidance of progressive journalist George Creel, the CPI enabled the War, Navy, and State Departments to disseminate propaganda on behalf of war aims. For instance, New York illustrator James Montgomery Flagg joined the pictorial publicity division and produced a memorable portrait of “Uncle Sam.” The film division produced cinematic works such as The Beast of Berlin, while “four-minute men” traveled the country to deliver short speeches with upbeat news in theaters. Waging war represented a traditional task of the federal government, but selling war pointed the nation in a new direction.

  While traveling by train in New York that spring, George M. Cohan composed a song called “Over There” to sell the war. In the verses, the songwriter told the citizen soldier – Johnny – to “get your gun.” The refrain repeated the title with a warning to “the Hun,” adding that the “Yanks are coming” and “won't come back till it's over, over there.” Noted for its catchy melody and clever lyrics, the patriotic song became a standard for Tin Pan Alley performers and helped to generate enthusiasm for initial mobilization.

  Regardless of the enthusiasm, the American military appeared unready that spring. Although young males stood in line at recruiting stations, the regular Army numbered only 133,111. At the state level, no more than 185,000 National Guardsmen were available for wartime duties. “It requires not a few volunteers,” reported the Army Chief of Staff, General Hugh Scott, “but a nation in arms.”

  Unsatisfied with the volunteers, the War Department devised a progressive model for conscription. Secretary of War Newton D. Baker, who formerly called himself a pacifist, described it as “selective service.” On May 13, 1917, Congress passed the first Selective Service Act, which promised to distribute the obligations of citizenship intelligently and equitably. Within a month, nearly 10 million males between the ages of 21 and 30 registered for military service. Later, Congress revised the law to include 18- to 45-year-olds. Though coordinated by the War Department, civilian boards examined the registrants for eligibility. More than 3 million registrants received calls during 1917, but the Army took only half a million initially. Several registrants were deemed physically “unfit,” which entailed dubious shortcomings noted by doctors such as flat feet. Moreover, exemptions occurred on the grounds of family dependency, alien status, critical occupations, and religious beliefs. The Selective Service system quickly filled the ranks of the armed forces with what federal laws failed to yield in the past, that is, a truly “National Army.”

  While avoiding negative terms such as “draft” and “conscription,” the Selective Service system underscored the positive aspects of both “selectivity” and “public service.” The administrator and provost marshal, General Enoch Crowder, dismissed traditional recruitment for the American military, which he considered socially inefficient. Based upon five categories, civilian boards chose only “unmarried men not needed in industry” from Class I. Classes II and III included married men with “useful” employment, while the other classes included those exempted from military service for various reasons. In terms of manpower, classification demanded that bachelors “work or fight.”

  To allocate the manpower, the War Department authorized psychologists to administer a newly developed test measuring an “intelligence quotient,” or IQ. Nearly one-quarter of the test-takers, however, failed to read or to write in English. Even though the tests exhibited numerous flaws, they generated grades from “A” to “E” for assessment. Accordingly, soldiers rated as “feebleminded” lacked mental fitness for military service.

  To arm the soldiers, the advisory committees to the Council of National Defense evolved into the War Industries Board, or WIB. Established in 1917, civilian and military representatives on the board shared broad powers to coordinate all purchasing by the armed forces, to establish production priorities, to construct new plants, to convert existing plants, and to coordinate the activities of other agencies. General Hugh Johnson vigorously represented the interests of the Army, while Bernard Baruch, a brilliant financier, eventually headed the WIB.

  As industrial production grew by one-third, the demand for arms exceeded the supply from factories. The armed forces possessed 2,698 aircraft for service overseas, of which 667 – less than one-fourth – were made in America. Of the almost 3,500 artillery pieces in the hands of Americans abroad, only 477 came from the U.S. Despite possessing the world's largest automotive industry, the U.S.
relied on French models for a Tank Corps in support of the infantrymen in the field. Since the Army procured few firearms before the war, most soldiers received French machine guns and automatic rifles. By the summer of 1918, American arsenals were manufacturing the Browning machine gun and Browning automatic rifle, or BAR. Industrialists produced shells, bullets, ships, and locomotives, but mobilization failed to keep pace with the demands of a robust market.

  Industrialists soon faced a labor shortage. Job opportunities induced thousands of southern blacks to join the “Great Migration” to northern states, although racial tensions in the cities sparked a series of wartime riots. Employers also sent recruiting agents westward to invite Mexican Americans to the “land of promise.” About a million women performed “war work” at munitions factories, machine shops, steel mills, lumber yards, and chemical plants. Unfortunately, many of the newcomers faced pressures from union members to leave the labor market once the war ended.

  Female volunteers found a number of ways to support the war from the start. Thousands organized fundraising drives, conserved food and fuel, aided the Red Cross, and joined the nurse corps. Others entertained troops at training camps scattered across the U.S. Perhaps the best-known uniformed women of the war were telephone operators dubbed “Hello Girls,” who worked for the Army Signal Corps. By late 1918, the Wilson administration even declared that extending suffrage to women was “vital to the winning of the war.”

  Figure 10.2 “That Liberty shall not Perish from the Earth,” 1918. Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress

  Throughout the war, the Wilson administration attempted to channel the concerns of the progressives into demonstrations of patriotism. The federal government solicited loans from the masses with the sale of “Liberty Bonds,” but most preferred to purchase War Savings Certificates and War Savings Stamps at post offices, local banks, and neighborhood restaurants. In addition, the internal revenue service raised billions of dollars through a graduated income tax, inheritance taxes, and an excess profits tax. Furthermore, individuals who openly criticized the war became vulnerable for prosecution under the Espionage and the Sedition Acts. The Justice Department conducted “slacker raids” in which thousands were apprehended for not showing draft registration cards. In the Supreme Court case of Schenck v. United States, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, a wounded veteran of the American Civil War, opined that “a clear and present danger” justified the imposition of reasonable limits upon free speech. As the nation mobilized for military action, the home front became a new battleground in the Great War.