Gold Run: The Rescue of Norway’s Gold Bullion from the Nazis, 1940

by Pearson, Robert

  Andreas Lund’s experiences of his time at Åndalsnes are worth noting as they give a graphic account of the horrendous conditions prevailing at that time, although one may consider his thoughts classically understated:84

  We were all dead tired on our arrival and we checked in at the Grand Hotel. Here, there was a multitude of British officers and Petersen and I were given a room on the third floor. We just fell straight on to the bed with our clothes and shoes on and went to sleep immediately.

  After a few hours’ sleep we went downstairs to have something to eat. Just after that we met Haslund and told him we would go down to the train to check the seals on the coaches and to ensure they were not damaged. Shortly after we had come down to the railway station the first air-raid alarm sounded. I went down into a shelter in a sandy hill with Major Sunde and some soldiers. It was a very primitive hollow and not very comfortable. Major Sunde shouted a warning and we could hear the howling of the bombs and shortly after they exploded around 50 metres away. At the same time three warships in the harbour opened fire and the British anti-aircraft guns also started to fire. Sand was coming down from the roof on to my head and I had a desperate wish just to get out of the cave, which had only one entrance and no other exits. After a while the bombing ceased and we could leave the cavern.

  We went back to the hotel, but before we got there more aircraft arrived overhead and we had to go down into the hotel basement where there were a lot of people. One bomb fell near the hotel and made a huge crater. The sound of the anti-aircraft guns mixed with the howl of the fire sirens was indescribable, but eventually the noise died away. I met again with Pettersen and Haslund, who had sought refuge in the station area and it was Haslund who suggested we drive out of town to get some rest. Together, we drove a little way up the valley where we found a farm. They were willing to sell us food and we rested a little before we returned to Åndalsnes that evening. It snowed upon our return and we used our car headlamps to see our way. Some Norwegian guards stopped us and said that they could see us from some distance. Also, two of our drivers, Schou and Kristiansen, had been arrested, but released when they said whom they were working for.

  Haslund was not happy about the gold train remaining at the station whilst we were waiting for a ship to transport the gold onwards. He therefore made contact with Station Master Frydenberg to make arrangements for a safe place for the train. It was quite uncomfortable and miserable at Åndalsnes Station that night. The Station Master had placed his bed in the office because his home had an explosive device lodged in the wall. I also recall him warning against spies as he said that he had heard a noise outside his office, but when he tore open the door a man disappeared into the night.

  Meanwhile Trygve Sørlie, having previously overseen the train onto a siding and out of harm’s way at Åndalsnes Station, took his rest at one of the railway houses, but no sooner had he settled than he was awakened abruptly by the bombs falling on to the town coupled with the anti-aircraft fire from the ships in the harbour. Sørlie quickly realised that this was not the place to be and gathering his personal belongings made his way to the station. As he approached he noticed a small commotion and could see some captured German paratroopers in a car complaining bitterly that they should be treated with respect under the Geneva Convention and that as prisoners of war they should be moved immediately away from the area because of the bombing. The irony of the situation did not pass him by.

  Haslund meanwhile was busy considering his route to the port at Åndalsnes where he hoped that the gold could be taken off by a warship. To his dismay the port had become the main target for the Luftwaffe. The British had made the town one of their points of entry into Norway in the vain hope of re-capturing Norway from the Germans. Åndalsnes had therefore become a must destroy target for the Germans. Haslund knew it was suicide to wait there for a British warship and so with the support of the Finance Minister, Oscar Torp, Haslund gave orders for the train and its guards to move back a few kilometers to Romsdalhorn and a precious siding. Romsdalhorn was an ideal location to hide a train. The towering mountains that loomed over the tiny station would make it extremely difficult, perhaps nigh on impossible, for an enemy bomber to swoop down a sheer sided, almost crevice like valley and drop its deadly load on a stationary train. The likely outcome for any large bomber attempting the feat would have been disastrous. Haslund and his crew had chosen wisely, although it would have only taken one renegade pilot risking all in an attempt to bomb the train.

  The raids continued unabated on Åndalsnes. The Germans were focusing on the destruction of all transport routes. Railway engineers worked flat out to keep the rail lines open between raids, but again and again the bombers returned to drop their bombs onto the town below. Frydenberg moved some of his staff to Romsdalhorn Station from where they began 12 hour maintenance shifts. Trains were halted whilst a posse of rail-men commenced repair work. As soon the lines were clear the trains were running again.

  At around 11pm on April 20th railwayman Leif Evensen answered the phone. He was ordered to ensure a train, currently on its way from Åndalsnes, was placed on a siding. He was also ordered not to officially record the train movement. Although puzzled, Evensen did not question the order but immediately set to work and in due course the gold train arrived at the station and was parked on the siding, well away from curious eyes and onlookers.

  One of the soldiers chosen to escort the bullion, Ove Voldsrud, has spoken about his time as a soldier guarding the gold. He gives an intriguing if a little understated insight into events.

  On April 17th Ove Voldsrud reported for duty at Jørstadmoen military camp, near Lillehammer, to take part in the fight against the Germans. For Ove, the war could not have come at a worse time. He was 33 years old, a family man and had just become a father for the third time. Although Ove was a devoted father and husband, his sense of duty to his country prevailed and with his new-born daughter barely 6 hours old he left his wife, children and the family home to report for duty. It was a difficult farewell. Ove takes up the story:85

  At Jørstadmoen [camp] we got uniforms, guns and ammunition, and [that night] we slept in a barn. The next night we were ordered to meet by the road. We were picked up by trucks and were driven to Lillehammer railway station. We were ordered to protect the station and the train at the station. Various people were loading a lot of cases into the train, and we were told that we should join the train as guards. At that time we didn’t know where the train was going to.

  The next morning we travelled to Otta. German parachutists had taken shelter in the basement of a barn and they used the farmers as shield. After some time they [the Germans] were waving with a white flag, and the Germans surrendered without a fight. That evening we left Otta and headed for Åndalsnes. We arrived next morning. In Åndalsnes we were met by German bombers, who tried to bomb British warships in the fjord. The streets of Åndalsnes were crowded with British soldiers. Men and boats were probably the target, but we were not in a good position. Sverre J. Borgedahl and I were guarding the train, when Fredrik Haslund and two men came and opened one of the trucks, which was sealed. We thought we recognised the Prime Minister Nygaardsvold and the Foreign Minister Koht with Haslund. Suddenly there was a warning of air attack and the three men ran for cover. Because Sverre and I were on guard we couldn’t leave the post. We approached the open wagon carefully and with curiosity getting the better of us we took a look inside the truck. We thought it was full of explosives. When we saw the cases with the letters NB Norges Bank, we then knew that the cases contained gold. Then suddenly we heard the whistling sound of a bomb falling, and in the next moment the bomb went off 20–30 metres away. I got a splinter in the wrist and was bleeding a little, and Sverre got a cut by the ear. We were lucky. The bombing continued during the day. By the time Fredrik Haslund returned we had locked the truck.

  Romsdalhorn Station had a direct telephone line to Åndalsnes and Haslund ordered that the telephone be constantly manned so that in th
e event of a British warship entering the harbour arrangements could be quickly made to move the gold down the railway line to the harbour. The soldiers took it in turns to man the telephone, although it was not a popular task. The gold train was held at Romsdalhorn sidings for a few days whilst plans were made for transporting the gold to the quay and onto a British warship in the quickest time possible. Whilst this was going on the soldiers watched as the Luftwaffe made every attempt to bomb Åndalsnes out of existence. The bombers would swoop down, often diving through the low cloud that surrounded the mountaintops and into the valley. Haslund later described it as a cauldron. The Norwegians watched and hoped that the German fliers would crash their machines into the mountains, but the Luftwaffe pilots, ever alert to the dangers, skillfully guided their planes away from the unforgiving mountains and on to their chosen target.86

  In a heart-stopping moment, two bombers audaciously dived down into the valley and attempted to bomb the railway line. Ten bombs were dropped but fortunately only one hit the railway line blowing a hole approximately 3 metres deep and 6 metres wide. The line, although broken was repaired within three hours by a railwayman and a squad of soldiers. Haslund remained confident that he and his men could deliver the gold; the British could also transport their soldiers out of Åndalsnes and towards the front lines. Special praise should go to the Norwegian railway workers who defied the odds and the Germans to make their line passable. It would not be the first or last time that the railway workers would surpass all expectations.

  The Germans were relentless in their attempts to disrupt and bomb the military traffic from the port of Åndalsnes, but their aim was often poor and they found it difficult to eliminate selected targets. Civilian targets were not so lucky. The Germans bombed the towns unremittingly and at times completely obliterated their chosen objectives. Haslund knew that this intensely intolerable situation could not last and that if plans were not in place sometime soon the chances of getting the bullion away to safety would be virtually non-existent. Meetings were held to discuss what was to be done next. Various suggestions were proffered but it was agreed that contact be made at once with British naval forces to see if they could assist. Norwegian naval forces were also contacted to see if they could aid in any way possible. A hastily arranged conference of Norwegian ministers and authorities took place at the Grand Hotel Bellevue in Åndalsnes where it was discussed whether the Norwegian torpedo boat ‘Trygg’ could take the bullion in one lift, but it was argued by the skipper of the ‘Trygg’, Lt Munster, that the ship was not sufficient in size and that the only realistic option was to make a formal request to the Admiralty to send a ship or ships to rescue the bullion, or to evenly distribute the gold between several small ships. But whatever the decision the bullion had to be taken to the UK.87

  The conference came to a sudden and violent end when the Germans began their bombing once again and a near miss blew out the doors, windows and part of the roof of the hotel. It was only by sheer good fortune that the Germans, unaware of the importance of the conference, missed with their indiscriminate bombing.

  On April 20th, Torp made contact with the British, and according to Haslund, plans were set in motion for a Royal Navy cruiser to steam into Åndalsnes and embark at least some of the gold. The following signal from the navy confirms that contact:88

  FROM: C.S.20

  MESSAGE

  RECEIVED

  2143/20TH APRIL

  20.4.40

  DATE

  2206

  TIME

  NAVAL CYPHER (D) by W/T

  ADDRESSED: ADMIRALTY

  IMPORTANT.

  At Cabinet Meeting here Government requested immediate transfer 50 tons gold at Åndalsnes to England.

  It is desired to divide it between 3 ships either warships or merchant ships.

  Request very early information when this consignment can be embarked.

  2143/20

  At that time the naval authority in Norway was Admiral Sir John Guy Protheroe Vivian RN. In Maurice Michael’s book, ‘Haakon King of Norway’ he writes:89

  …some members of the Norwegian Government got through to Åndalsnes and were taken to see Admiral Sir Philip Vian [sic] to discuss two rather important matters: the Norwegian merchant fleet and the Bank of Norway’s gold…and she [Norway] wanted transport to England for 320 million Crowns’ worth of gold, which at that moment was stored in a tunnel [sic] at Åndalsnes railway station. As Admiral Vian told his visitors, that must have been the first time a British Admiral had been roused in the middle of the night to be offered a thousand ships and £16 million worth of gold ‘on a plate’. (Author’s note: Captain Vian was made a Rear Admiral in July 1941 and was not at Åndalsnes during that particular period. Trygve Lie, in his book, ‘Kampen For Norges Frihet’, page 114, makes a similar mistake referring to Admiral Vian as being part of the meeting where the discussion of the movement for the gold took place. In fact it was Admiral Vivian).

  Although the signal to the Admiralty originated from Admiral Vivian, the responsibility of the actual organisation of transport for the bullion out of Norway fell to a Royal Navy officer of immense talent, the formidable and gifted Captain Michael M Denny RN – the Royal Naval Officer-in-Charge of Åndalsnes and Molde.90

  The Norwegians found Denny to be immensely helpful and he went to extraordinary lengths to ensure that he and his men did their best under the most awful conditions. Denny was later to be instrumental in the allied evacuation.

  In Denny’s report, which was compiled upon his return to England he comments, albeit again in a typically understated way, on the appalling conditions that prevailed at that time.91

  From my arrival at Åndalsnes at midnight, on 17th April, to my departure from Molde at midnight, 30th April, the base organisation at Åndalsnes and Molde lacked the necessary staff and communications essential for efficient functioning. For the first five days I was virtually single-handed, and the base naval reinforcements and equipment then were duly lost in the bombing…’

  Denny also commented on the lack of wireless telegraphy (W/T) between Åndalsnes and Molde, which hampered matters further and that movement in and out of the waterways was continually disrupted by bombing attacks. He also writes that from April 26th the situation deteriorated dramatically.92

  At the Base the incessant German air activity caused more and more dislocation. With all wooden quays destroyed, the area surrounding the single concrete quay devastated by fire, the roads pitted by bomb craters disintegrated due to the combined effect of heavy traffic and melting snow, the recurrent damage to the railway, the machine gunning of road traffic…

  Denny could see that Åndalsnes couldn’t take much more before it would be rendered totally untenable as a port and town. All port work had to be carried out between the hours of 22:00 and 06:00 to stand any chance of avoiding the attentions of the bombers.

  Denny’s work also took him to Molde (he travelled by motor boat) and he states that the port had, up to that point, not received the same attentions from the Luftwaffe as Åndalsnes, although his motor boat transport was attacked and strafed en route to Molde.

  Whilst at Molde, Denny was informed of the whereabouts of the gold bullion and was asked if he could assist in any way its safe conduct to the UK. Denny readily agreed and upon his return to Åndalsnes he immediately set about contacting the Admiralty. His report, written up on May 7th in conjunction with his war diary, has an entry dated the afternoon of April 24th, which is somewhat at odds with the date given by the Admiralty of the 20th. His entry states the following:93

  …was informed in strict secrecy of the whereabouts of the Norwegian gold bullion, by the Minister of Defence [Colonel Ljunberg] and made provisional plans for its transfer to the UK.

  His efficiency in making provisional plans for the evacuation of the bullion was exemplary as later on the evening of April 24th HMS Galatea docked at Åndalsnes. Meanwhile, the Germans had started to increase their attacks, particularly on marine craft
used for the transportation of troops. Denny noted that three of his ferries had either been sunk or badly damaged, he had also lost his motor boats to bombing and therefore transport across the fjords was now out of the question, at least during daylight hours. To add to Denny’s woes he was informed that the local telephone system had been totally compromised. On April 26th Denny noted.94

  Owing to failure of batteries, Molde W/T set became inoperative. Communication with the Admiralty was maintained via Ålesund, receiving by broadcast. Both Molde and Åndalsnes were bombed throughout the day, the latter particularly, and had to be evacuated. During the day all wooden quays at Åndalsnes were completely destroyed by fire and the whole of the town in the region of the quay was burnt to the ground. At Molde the majority of bombs were incendiary and on this occasion were of Czech manufacture and so were happily blind, but the town water supply was cut by H.E. (High Explosive) bombs and some difficulty was experienced in controlling the fires with the inadequate labour supply available.

  Whilst in Molde, Denny was assisted by Captain A. O. Douglas RN (Retired). He accompanied Denny to Molde on April 17th. In his report he writes:95

  Molde had been bombed the preceding Sunday, 14th, the objective being the quays, and although some damage had been effected, it had not interfered with any of the quays…Captain Denny had requested me to organise the civil population for A.R.P. (Air Raid Precaution) and working parties. This I proceeded to do and on the morning of our arrival…and all the first day I was busy collecting my working party. This party consisted of 40 men divided into four parties of ten with a leader who could understand English. Three lorries were requisitioned…and the whole party was under the direct control of Mr Hustmark who served me most loyally. Besides the working party I also procured the services of young men on bicycles whom I asked the Chief of police to send out on the roads, which guarded the approaches of the town; they were to make themselves inconspicuous and report back anything they saw. Needless to say we had several false alarms, one of which was the approach of German soldiers in three lorries, the soldiers dressed in Norwegian uniforms. They eventually proved to be good Norwegians.