The German Peace

by Derek Pennington

  Berger argued forcibly that being highly educated or paying greater tax was not the same as hereditary or arbitrary class distinction, or privilege.

  Berger maintained that his voting system would partly mitigate the votes cast irrationally in some cases, for example by people or families who consistently voted for a particular party because ‘Their father had always voted for them’, or ‘He has an honest face’.

  Another idea he pursued relentlessly, was the appointment of a senior civil servant to oversee statements and promises made by politicians. He would have significant powers of investigation, and if he discovered that a statement or promise was deliberately misleading or never meant to be honoured, the guilty individuals could be suspended from the Storting - the Norwegian parliament - or even criminally prosecuted where it was warranted. Berger was aiming at politicians who would promise absolutely anything to get elected. He insisted that retribution should be swift and painful!

  The Soviet politician Nikita Khrushchev had once said, “Politicians are the same all over. They will promise to build a bridge even where there is no river”.

  Norway’s King Haakon VII had personally found Berger’s ideas sound, and endorsed them. The King was greatly respected by his people. He was a rarity; a democratically elected monarch. He had become the first King of Norway after the union with Sweden had been dissolved in 1905. He had accepted the offered crown only on the condition that a referendum showed that monarchy was the choice of the Norwegian people. Seventy nine percent of the voters choose monarchy.

  The Professor’s ideas were incorporated into the new constitution, and now the results of the election would show if the changes had any significant impact.

  One and half million people voted, but it was not known how many of them had used a second or third vote. The result was the return of the Labour Party but with a slightly reduced percentage of the vote. They had a one seat majority in the Storting, Norway’s parliament. The second largest party, the Conservative Party, significantly improved their share of the vote.

  No conclusive lessons could be determined about the effect of the changed voting systems, although many commentators now accepted that it was an interesting idea that should be given a chance.

  In the meantime Norway had a new and stable government, and a new Prime Minister, Einar Gerhardsen. They also had an opposition party strong enough to be considered effective.

  LUXEMBOURG - SEPTEMBER

  The summit of the European Alliance was over. The fourteen member countries, Britain, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania and Spain, had been represented by their respective Ministers of Defence, their Commanders-in-Chief of armed forces, and their European Alliance Liaison Officers. The Supreme Commander - European Alliance, Field Marshall Rommel was Chairman of the meeting.

  Rommel spoke at length of the progress made since the end of the European War. The standardisation of military equipment was proceeding satisfactorily. He confirmed that all member countries had met their commitments to the Alliance, including defence spending.

  The total population of the member countries added up to more than three hundred million. The permanent armed forces totalled over three and a half million. In extremis another twenty five million men could be mobilised. The European Alliance was the most powerful military grouping in the world by far. And it was getting more powerful every year as their weapons weaponry improved and was standardised.

  The representatives of each country were given the opportunity to have their say. There was no dissension of any kind at this, the first European Alliance summit.

  It was now that Rommel made his closing statement. One which would be contemplated by Heads of States around the world for decades into the future.

  “Our grand Alliance is something we should all wish to be unnecessary at some future date.” There was murmuring among his audience. “Make no mistake, that date is a long way off. But in a stable and prosperous world, military alliances should, in theory, be superfluous. In the meantime, that future stable and prosperous world will come about only because we are alert and militarily strong enough to deter aggression by one country against another.

  This is the message we have sent out to the world. The European Alliance is a purely defensive alliance. We want no foreign wars. And we are resolved that there will be no further wars in Europe. We will have peace through strength.”

  Rommel received a standing ovation.

  BERLIN - NOVEMBER

  Jamie MacLellan’s last letter to President Roosevelt

  Dear Mr President

  I hope this letter finds you in good health.

  You may by now have been informed by the navy department that I have, with great sadness, resigned my commission.

  The past three years have been probably the most interesting period of life, but as in everything, time moves on. After a great deal of thought, and many sleepless nights, I decided to look for new challenges.

  One of the ‘challenges’, if I may call it that, is that I will be marrying next year. My fiancée Katherine is British, ex Royal Navy, and she is the sister of my best friend, Colonel Jeremy Blackstone. I have mentioned Jeremy to you several times.

  We may be settling in the United States. It is one of our options. We are taking a few months off from our normal world, and taking a sailing holiday.

  With the new policy of a reduction in size of the US Navy, following the thaw in relations with Japan, civilian life now appeals to me. I would like to find a job that has something to do with ships.

  I must admit, I am both excited and apprehensive. It will be a totally new experience for me.

  As regards ‘my thoughts on Europe’ which you originally sent me here for, I think they have become less interesting as the continent has settled down since the war. The Germans have done a superb job in stabilising the diverse economies of the various countries here. And what we once regarded as a huge threat in Europe, communism, has all but disappeared outside of the Soviet Union.

  Even the great dictator, Stalin, appears to have mellowed a little in the face of firm and consistent German and European policies. It may be just an act to lull the European Alliance into a false sense of security. I retain an open mind on the subject.

  As regards further expansion of the Alliance, the northern countries of Sweden and Finland have been quietly asked not to apply for membership. This would create a problem with an insecure Soviet Union, who regards that part of the world as their backyard. Sweden in any case, like Switzerland, has always been neutral and unlikely to want change their status.

  I still smile when I think of Russia being invited to join the Alliance by the Germans. I would love to have been there and seen their faces when that proposition was made.

  Yugoslavia and Greece are as far away from acceptance into the alliance as ever.

  I personally found it gratifying, uplifting even, that Italy was able to pull itself together and take its place in the Alliance. I was there again last month and the enthusiasm that I saw within that country, was almost humbling. As a sign of the times, I discovered that the Italians have persuaded the British, French and Germans to begin grand prix motor racing again next year. As you probably know, this was banned at the start of the war.

  The Italians tell me that the well-known motor car manufacturers, Maserati and Alfa Romeo, are already working on world beating cars.

  Well, Mr President, it has been an honour to serve you and I hope my ‘thoughts’ of the past few years were of interest and assistance to you.

  I wish you well for the future.

  Yours respectfully

  Jamie MacLellan.

  CHAPTER FIVE - WINDS OF CHANGE

  1944

  LONDON - JANUARY

  The board of directors of Bradlington Thornberry Bank proposed a special vote of thanks to James Blackstone, as well as awarding him a special monetary bonus. His department, in its first full half y
ear of operation, had concluded finance deals for over one hundred Junkers JU52 airliners and transport aircraft. All good quality deals. A further two hundred were confidently expected to be financed over the next twelve months. The bank had never been so profitable or increased its volume of business at such a rate.

  James celebrated at home that evening with Fiona. It was not a late night. Fiona was often tired after looking after the child the whole day. And James had to be in Berlin the following day as guest on a test flight of the Anglo-German airliner, the Focke-Wulf Flightstar. He would be accompanied by his interpreter cum personal assistant, Magda.

  PARIS - JANUARY

  The President of France, Admiral Darlan, finished his second reading of the document now resting on the desk in front of him. He leaned back, staring at the ceiling. He was unsettled. ‘This has to be handled very very delicately’ he thought. ‘Whichever way we proceed will involve some pain for France.’

  He remembered something which the German Foreign Affairs Minister had once said to him and which had stuck in his mind. ‘Search the past, if you want to change the future.’

  For another hour he sat there thinking of nothing else but the subject of the dossier. If he were a true politician he could ignore it and leave the problem to his eventual successor or a future government. But that was cowardly politics. It was the way things had been done in the past when France was governed by weak or incompetent politicians. Darlan was no coward. Neither was he weak or incompetent.

  He had been President of France for the past three years, and under his non-democratic government the country had undergone considerable change. And for the better. Moscow inspired communist insurgency had been eliminated. Political upheaval and social unrest were things of the past. The economy was sound and the country was prospering once again. France was at peace with itself. Possibly the country was better off than it had ever been at any time in its history.

  The source of Darlan’s concern was France’s vast colonial empire. This covered about eight percent of the Earth’s surface, with a total - and very diverse - population of more than one hundred and ten million people, if France itself was included. It extended into north, east, west and central Africa, the Caribbean, central and south America, the Middle East, the Far East and Polynesia, plus a few desolate and worthless islands close to Antarctica.

  The devastating defeat of France in the European War in 1940 had encouraged anti-colonial and nationalist movements throughout the empire. At the moment these were being easily contained, both politically and militarily. But Darlan searched the past and saw the future. He didn’t like what he saw.

  His old political foe, General Charles de Gaulle, had been forced to resign from the army a few years ago. He had entered politics, and since then he had made a nuisance of himself by agitating for a return of democratic elections in France. De Gaulle was not particularly a great lover of democracy; he simply yearned to resume a position of personal power. His following was small but vociferous.

  Darlan had seen a way to kill two birds with one stone. He offered de Gaulle a government post. The position as Minister for Colonies carried no real power and was fraught with potential difficulties. As Minister, his first task would be to conduct an in-depth study of France’s colonial empire. It would involve visiting every single colony, and talking with officials, local people and French settlers. Economic, social and military aspects were to be considered. The British and Dutch empire models should be studied. Finally, a blueprint for the future relationship of the colonies and France was to be drawn up.

  De Gaulle was not fooled. He had seen the potential trap that Darlan had laid for him. But de Gaulle was ambitious, arrogant, and totally confident in his own abilities. He regarded the proffered job as a stepping stone to greater things. He accepted the challenge.

  He threw himself into the task with relish. It had taken him almost twelve months, and many thousands of kilometres travelled, but his report now lay on Darlan’s desk. Apart from the mass of data and statistics, two basic alternative future political scenarios were offered for consideration by the French government.

  The first option was to continue with, and complete, the existing semi-official and half-hearted French policy of the overseas territories being considered integral Departments of France. All the inhabitants of the empire would ultimately become French citizens, with all the rights and obligations that this entailed.

  In de Gaulle’s opinion this was ‘pie in the sky’. In theory it sounded great, but in practice he foresaw that nationalists and opportunist politicians in the various colonies would never accept perceived ‘foreign’ domination. He had looked at the history of resistance in their territories, and concluded that matters would only get worse. He saw France being drawn into ever escalating conflicts in the different regions as they tried to impose their ideology, culture, and policies on radically different ethnic, cultural and religious peoples. Such a way would be costly, and eventual success was by no means assured.

  A further potential problem with this approach was, even if it worked in the colonies, what would be the impact of millions of non-French born peoples choosing to migrate permanently to metropolitan France? This would impose severe cultural, social, and religious tensions. It was a recipe for social unrest.

  Putting aside emotional attachment to the glory of empire and the foolish nonsense about equality of man, he bravely advised a completely different course of action.

  He proposed independence for all colonies that were economically viable, but within a Francophone trading and cultural grouping.

  Whatever course was ultimately decided on, de Gaulle saw himself as the man to oversee matters. His ego had in no ways diminished during his years in the political ‘wilderness’.

  This was the dilemma that now faced the French president. He sighed and put the report to one side. He just had time to finish his preparation for his meeting with the German Foreign Minister scheduled for the following morning.

  THE NEXT DAY

  Darlan and von Altendorf had adopted an informal and relaxed style of meeting every six months or so. The British Foreign Secretary enjoyed a similar arrangement with both of them. As the largest largest members of the European Alliance in terms of economy, population and military capacity, it was considered prudent for the three of them to be broadly ‘in step’ with their policies.

  In the bitter aftermath of the German invasion in 1940 the French animosity towards Germany knew no limit. However, the stability and prosperity that had been established following the generous peace settlement had softened their attitudes. Most could now accept that the two countries could achieve more in partnership and so the historical enmity between France and Germany had greatly diminished. Furthermore, the French President and the German Foreign Minister had developed something of a special personal relationship. Each trusted the word and intentions of the other.

  Their discussions on the many and varied matters between their countries were completed timeously that day . One item was particularly pleasing to both of them. This was confirmation that the last few German troops stationed in Northern France, had been withdrawn the previous month in terms of the peace agreement between the two countries. The European War was just a bad memory.

  Darlan now took the opportunity to have a confidential discussion with von Altendorf about the French colonies. He disclosed the salient conclusions of de Gaulle’s report.

  Von Altendorf took a moment to finish his coffee before replying.

  “In 1939 a study of the British, Dutch, French, Portuguese and Japanese empires was undertaken at the request of Adolf Hitler. I read that report shortly after it was finished the following year. It was very comprehensive and I recall several particular conclusions that I think are relevant to your own situation.

  One particular assumption was that in the event of war with the Axis countries, Great Britain, Holland and France would ultimately be defeated and their empires forfeited to the victors. Obvious
ly that scenario no longer applies.

  Of more significance, was the belief that the European empires were great stabilising influences in the world, as the world was in 1939. This, I believe, is still the case. However, I stress that this is the case at this particular moment in time, 1944.

  The German report detailed the history of empires as far back as the Roman Empire. It made very interesting reading. With regards to the Dutch and French Empires, and the British territories in Asia and Africa, it concluded that virtually all the colonies would, sooner or later, start seeking at least some form of autonomy, but more likely, complete independence. No timespan was envisioned but it was more or less thought that it could happen possibly as early as within the next generation.