The German Peace
Page 25
It was the conclusions of this particular report that led us not to press for the return of the previously German colonies in Africa, in our peace negotiations with the British. It also deterred us from claiming some of French colonies in 1940 as part of the armistice agreement. Neither did we want any of the Belgian or Dutch colonies. We saw them all as potential liabilities and future trouble. Not everybody in Germany agreed with this at the time, but it was certainly the majority view of those who thought deeply on the subject.
The native populations of the continent of Africa have a long history of despotism and violence. Local politicians are too quick to stir up trouble for their own ends. There is perpetual tribal and religious warfare or violence in both Africa and Asia. We wanted no part of it.
Oddly enough, the Japanese were deemed to be the only people capable of keeping their empire intact. But it would involve savagery, and brutal suppression of all resistance and opposition. The Japanese have shown themselves to be capable of such barbarity. I do not think the European powers could do it.
One other point for you to consider is this. If France pursues the existing ‘integrationist’ approach, you would be opening the door to a potential flood of migrants, in particular from the Muslim countries of North Africa - Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia - which are situated so close to your shores. Are you prepared for this? And could you be certain this would be in the best interests of France?
Religious bigotry and intolerance has been virtually eliminated from the continent of Europe. This is not the case with the Muslim religion. Why should France now import religious strife?
You have asked me my thoughts on this issue. I feel I must be frank. If France were my country I would act only in the interests of my people. I do not believe that an integrationist policy is the correct way. Neither do I think it would succeed.”
Von Altendorf had answered Darlan’s question. The French President appreciated the honesty of the German. He felt that he was now able to make a decision. He would first meet with de Gaulle.
The meeting with de Gaulle had gone well. The Minister for Colonies agreed with a course of action worked out between himself and the President. They would start preparing the French overseas territories for independence. A full government meeting approved their agenda and timetable forty eight hours later.
There would be a lot of dissatisfaction among the French populace in general, and huge resentment and resistance from French settlers in the colonies. But it was better to suffer some shorter term unrest now, than condemn France to future unwinnable colonial wars or major permanent internal unrest, insurgency and terrorism.
Preparations would begin for the eventual return of as many as one million French settlers as the colonies became self-governing. This would cause some social upheaval in France. Accommodation and jobs would have to be created. To ease the pressure, the timetable for independence would be spread over a three year period. The future incoming territorial governments would be given incentives to make the transition from colony to independent country, a smooth one.
BERLIN
The British Foreign Secretary had heard through embassy sources that the French were about to make radical changes within their colonial empire. He had thought that this called for a brief visit to Berlin and an informal ‘chat’ with Baron von Altendorf. The Germans seemed to know just about everything going on in the world these days.
They met a week later.
Von Altendorf’s position proscribed him from betraying any confidences between himself and President Darlan, but much of what had been discussed in Paris was at least partly common knowledge. If this wasn’t the case at the moment, it soon would be!
Sir Anthony was referred by von Altendorf to the same report commissioned by Hitler on colonial empires, as Darlan had been. And told of the same conclusions.
“The British Empire is the largest empire in history, Sir Anthony. It has been a source of wonder and envy to the rest of the world for generations. It covers one quarter of the globe.
However, I think things are changing, are they not? The ‘Jewel in the crown’, India, is demanding the independence they believe was promised to them before the European War. After this, is it not inevitable that other countries within the empire will follow suit?
I personally, am filled with great sadness at the thought of this magnificent stabilising force in the world, diminishing. Neither am I convinced that the world will be a better place without the British and French empires. My personal view is that the populations of many of the future independent African and Asian countries will suffer to a greater or lesser degree, under their new rulers.
However, world opinion, influenced by the Americans and – hypocritically –the Soviets, now says that all peoples are entitled to ‘self-determination’. Mussolini, not normally known for intelligence remarks, once quoted, ‘Democracy is beautiful in theory. In practice it is a fallacy.’ The Americans are naïve in their assumption that democracy will flourish in Africa and Asia. At least not without decades or even generations of warfare, tribalism, misery and death for millions of innocent people. And what does the Soviet monster, comrade Stalin know, or care, about people’s rights?
In India alone, I regret to say that I foresee countless deaths as religious bigotry flares up into violence between the Muslims and Hindus.
The British Empire has kept many of these malignant forces in check. Without your restraining hand, many parts of the world are doomed.
I realise that I paint a black picture but I find no cause for optimism with the subject of our discussion. I wish you all the luck in the world.”
Eden left the meeting feeling unusually depressed. None of his colleagues in the British government had put matters quite so clearly or as bluntly as von Altendorf. There was an unpalatable but undeniable truth in the German’s analysis, but it would be resisted by many, including Churchill who regarded the Empire as both a right and a duty for Britain.
‘This could get messy,’ he thought to himself.
NORTH AFRICA - FEBRUARY
Charles de Gaulle now embarked on another worldwide tour of French colonies. By the end of it he had accomplished all of the immediate French government objectives, and as result, would return to France as the man most hated and reviled by the French people, since Adolf Hitler. He was seen as the man who singlehandedly was trying to destroy the glorious French Empire.
In Morocco he had quickly reached an amicable agreement with its popular and able king, Mohammed V. The country would become self-governing before the end of the year. Over the next three years Moroccan citizens would be trained to replace French officials and administrators. The Moroccan king was enthusiastic about remaining part of a Francophone group of nations. Preferential trade would continue between the two countries. Communist parties would not be tolerated.
Tunisia was nominally already independent, being officially classed as a protectorate of France. It’s designated, but up to now powerless, Head of State, the Bey, Muhammad VII, wasted no time in accepting a similar deal to Morocco.
These were two relatively simple and easy negotiations for de Gaulle. Algeria was always going to be the difficult one because of the large number of French settlers who had made their homes there over the past one hundred years.
The French colonists dominated the government in Algeria and consistently block or delayed all attempts at reform. As a result, opposition from the Muslim majority population had gradually increased in the 1920s and 1930s. The previous year, political and legal equality for Muslims had been demanded by Algerian politicians, one of whom, Ferhat Abbas, was now in prison for his political activities.
Abbas had served at one time in the French army and was originally pro-French in outlook. His father was a civil administrator and holder of the Legion of Honour, France’s highest award for military or civil merit. On the outbreak of the European War in 1939, Abbas had volunteered to re-join the French Army. Even though he was now anti-colonial, he was still not anti-Fren
ch.
De Gaulle had him released from prison. They entered into four days of intensive negotiations. In view of the animosity that had developed over the years between the settlers and the indigenous population, the French needed cast iron guarantees of fair treatment for the colonists during any independence transition. Satisfactory agreement was reached on all the major points late on the fourth day.
De Gaulle flew back to Paris. He deemed it wise to have the three North Africa treaties ratified by the French government before he undertook any further travelling.
As Darlan had foreseen, when the independence plan was announced there were demonstrations throughout the country, mostly directed at the now hated de Gaulle. Fortunately, in the now stable and prosperous France, the public were generally less volatile and more contented than in earlier years. The number and size of incidents reported around the country were not as serious as he had expected, and many prominent intellectuals had strongly expressed their support for independence for the colonies. The astute Darlan had gambled on this being the case.
It was very different in Algeria. The Pied-noirs, as the French settlers were known, expressed their anger by blockading government buildings, rioting and demonstrations. Even a few French officials were kidnapped. There were some killings. De Gaulle had previously warned the Governor-General of Algeria to be prepared for unrest. There was no immediate retaliation by the police, who were ordered to let tempers cool before investigating incidents of lawlessness. The army refused to become involved. Too many of its personnel sympathised with the settlers.
De Gaulle, now the de facto Governor of all French Colonies in the empire, quietly started replacing French and other officials in the Algerian administration who were openly hostile to Algerian independence. He had three years to complete the transformation. He was sanguine about it. Time would heal the pain.
Syria had been controlled by France since the Great War. In 1936 a political accommodation of sorts had been reached with its inhabitants, and the Republic of Syria had been established with its own President. However, the insecure governments of France that had been in power in the years immediately before the European War, had never ratified this arrangement. France had continued to interfere in Syrian affairs. The result had been the resignation of the Algerian President in 1939, and a period of uncertainty ever since.
The ex-President remained mistrustful of France’s intentions. It took all of de Gaulle’s powers of persuasion to convince him that things had changed. A deal was hammered out on the same basis as the other North African colonies.
Lebanon had been easier. It was another territory that had been mandated to France by the League of Nations after the Great War. It already had a measure of independence and France had formed the Lebanese Republic in 1926.
De Gaulle called for immediate elections. He had no real short term concerns about Lebanon. The country was stable and prosperous. Its capital, Beirut, was a city of great elegance and an established regional centre for finance and trade. Unusually, it’s multi-religion peoples worked together in a unique mix of power sharing between the different communities. He left them to get on with it. He was amazed that their form of government actually worked.
He was by no means sure that such inter-religion co-operation would last.
The Minister for Colonies was satisfied with the progress he had made so far. Now for Africa!
BERLIN - MARCH
The Governing Council had met early that day. At midday they were all being transported to Templehof Airport outside Berlin, to witness the arrival of the Luftwaffe’s first operational jet fighter squadron.
In line with what had become tradition, the Foreign Affairs Minister opened the meeting. He gave the council details of France’s new de-colonisation policy. It was expected to cause some unrest over the next two or three years, and would probably also have a negative impact on France’s finances and trade in the short term, but it was a shrewd strategy and the longer term outlook was expected to be positive. The French Economics Minister, no doubt, was prepared for this.
Von Altendorf mentioned that Britain might also be questioning the role of parts of its empire. He advised that he would also discuss with the Dutch government the matter of their empire. Germany had no wish to interfere in any way, but it would be remiss of them not to inform their ally of developments.
Albert Speer gave a short but concise summary of the balance of Soviet trade. This, together with China, accounted for fifty percent of Germany’s exports. In the meantime trade with other countries also continued to expand. Overall the balance of trade continued to be in Germany’s favour. Although ship building capacity had been increased, it was again working at full stretch. China was now talking about building up its navy and wanted Germany to build the warships. This would mean creating even more capacity.
As Interior Minister, roads and transport fell within his remit. The FIA, the international body controlling motor sport, had offered Germany the opportunity to stage a grand prix motor race in late August. Speer believed it would be a good showcase for the country. The expected tourist influx should more than compensate for the cost of repairing the Nurburgring race circuit. He had already spoken to Mercedes-benz and Auto-Union about possible German entrants. They were thinking positively about it.
Speer got the wholehearted support of the Council.
The Justice Minister, Julius Buch, reported that crime statistics for the year 1943 were an average of twelve percent lower in all categories than the preceding year.
Hans Dietrich, the quiet but industrious Minister of Agriculture, as usual, had little to say. The innovative policies he had implemented upon his appointment had resulted in increased farm yields throughout the country. There had also been some diversification of crops. Germany was a little more self-sufficient in agriculture than it used to be, and this trend should continue.
Hjalmar Schacht gave his usual dry, but at the same time heartening, facts about record exports and climbing foreign exchange reserves.
General Beck confirmed that the intelligence services had picked up nothing out of the ordinary from the Soviet Union. His conjecture was that, with the containment of Russia by China and Japan on its eastern frontier, and the European Alliance to its west, Stalin may have finally and permanently accepted the status quo. The communist movements throughout the rest of Europe, and in the European empires, had been discredited, eliminated, or driven deeply undergound.
The rest of the Council certainly hoped this was the case.
It now remained for von Brauchitsch, now promoted to Field Marshall, to finish off the meeting.
“Today we will welcome our first ME262 squadron into the Luftwaffe. We all know that we delayed the introduction of this aircraft so as not to give Stalin any excuse or incentive to expand or speed up his own re-armament programme. This delay also meant that we saved quite a lot of money, whilst at the same time allowing a few more improvements to be made to the final model. It is a truly superb aircraft. Incomparably superior to anything else in the world.
The only other operational jet in the world, Britain’s own jet fighter, the Gloster Meteor, has been tested extensively against the ME262 in simulated combat. It is an excellent aircraft, but no match for ours. It is also more than one hundred and fifty kilometres per hour slower than the ME262 and is less well armed.
All the European Alliance members, Britain being the only exception, have placed orders for the ME262. In the case of some smaller members, Norway and Denmark for instance, the order is to equip only one small squadron. In view of the more settled state of world affairs, there is less enthusiasm in all our countries for spending excessive sums on weapons.
The same goes for the Panther and Tiger tanks. They are now rolling off the production lines but at a reduced rate. Again all Alliance countries except Britain have ordered these fine fighting vehicles.
Great Britain recognises that our ME262 and our two new tanks are superior to anything they have, or
are likely to have in the near future. However they have long established armaments industries of their own to consider. It will take a little while longer before we will have truly integrated weapon systems throughout the European Alliance.
The British have, of course, partnered us with the Starflight airliner. Focke-Wulf and Rolls Royce have done a magnificent job. From idea, to design, to prototype, to production, in a little over two years. The first production line aircraft will be delivered next month to Lufthansa and BOAC and will now be produced at the rate of about five or six per week. This rate can be increased fairly quickly if necessary.
General Kesselring should be giving you this news, but at this moment he is immersed in details of the future jet airliner project. The Komet
”.
The meeting finished. They were eager to see the jet fighters perform.