When Shadows Collide (An Arik Bar Nathan Novel Book 1)

by Nathan Ronen

  The only one to have already come to an agreement with Raya Ron over his second retirement was Gideon Perry.

  Chapter 33

  Hezbollah Forces Parade in the Town of Al-Qusayr, Syria

  The Syrian civil war, or uprising, between the forces loyal to the Ba’ath government, headed by President Bashar al-Assad, and those wishing to depose him, began as a political skirmish. Later, it became an ethnic conflict between the minority Alawi sect that ruled the country and the Sunni majority.

  Syrian President Assad, whose army was in shaky condition, gratefully accepted Iran’s proposition to send a military force to assist him. In the area north of Lebanon, Lebanese Hezbollah forces, supported by the Iranians, were fighting the rebels and their allies. Iranian aid initially took the form of sending military advisors, but later entire battalions of soldiers were sent, fortifying the Assad regime’s failing army on the border between Lebanon and Syria.

  Iran sent its foreign legion, comprised of various militias imported from Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as Chechens and others, to Syria’s southeastern border to fight the rebels and ISIS.

  Following Hezbollah and the Shiite militias’ major success in pushing back the rebel forces and the Al-Nusra Front45 fighters from the town of Al-Qusayr in the Homs Governorate, the commander of the Iranian Quds Force, General Qasem Soleimani, was invited to witness Hezbollah’s victory parade commemorating Martyrs’ Day.46

  Hezbollah forces celebrated the victory in their traditional manner: by shooting rebel Syrian prisoners of war in restraints and documented by the Al Arabiya47 network’s cameras.

  Soleimani, wearing his battle uniform and escorted by bodyguards, was sitting at the dignitaries’ stage along with Hezbollah’s chief of staff, Mustafa Badr al-Din. They watched the military parade as it marched past. In contrast, Hezbollah’s secretary-general did not dare leave the basement where he was staying, fearing an Israeli assassination attempt.

  Hezbollah’s chief of staff was beaming in satisfaction. He felt he had successfully managed to convey Hezbollah’s leaders’ message, “We came to Syria to win and we’re here to stay,” to the world. It was clear that Hezbollah had undergone a transformation. From a small Shiite terrorist organization called “al Amal,” it had evolved into another militia army within the splintered state of Lebanon, in which every sect had its own militia. Hezbollah was currently the largest military organization, with about 70,000 armed warriors. It was armed with various kinds of weapons, its military equipment exceeding that of a terrorist organization; it was, in fact, outfitted like the military arm of a sovereign state. It was stronger than the Lebanese state army.

  “Mabruk alekh, ya sidi—congratulations, sir,” Badr al-Din whispered to Soleimani. “This military parade conveys a triple message. It conveys to the Syrian president that fighting alongside the regime is no longer up for debate. It conveys to Israel that Hezbollah is gradually enhancing its military capabilities, and they should take care to treat us with respect. And it also conveys to the international community that the organization and its allies are prepared for any future development in Syria.”

  “I’m very impressed,” Qasem Soleimani said with a smile. “I believe this parade conveys another message: letting the fighters know that the most important role in protecting the Syrian regime is reserved for them. This is the role that led to Hezbollah’s immense military and political influence in Lebanon.”

  Mustafa Badr al-Din nodded enthusiastically. He was the brother-in-law of Imad Husniyah, the former head of the organization’s military apparatus, who had been killed by the Israeli Mossad in Damascus.

  “When the Syrian Army fell apart,” he lectured to the parade’s soldiers, who were standing at attention in honor of him and Soleimani, “it was Hezbollah who was the regime’s first savior. The Syrian people encountered Hezbollah forces everywhere, spreading the message of Shiite Islam the Iranian way.”

  His speech was greeted with wild applause from the Hezbollah senior officials around him, and with cheers from the soldiers, who raised their weapons enthusiastically over their heads.

  The parade came to an end and the dignitaries were invited to the main HQ tent, where fine refreshments from the Lebanese cuisine were being served: lamb on piles of yellow rice seasoned with saffron, shish barak—delicate dumpling cooked in yogurt, and fish soaked in sheep’s milk, stuffed with leaves of fragrant tarragon and placed upon steel mesh over the grill. Tomato slices were coated with olive oil and za’atar seasoning and cooked over the fire, served along with pita bread and plenty of kettles of sweet tea. Dessert consisted of massive round trays of kanafeh pastries, dripping with honey, filled with liquid goat cheese and coated with generous amounts of ground pistachios.

  Following the meal, the guest of honor, General Qasem Soleimani, rose from his seat and said, “I want to create a land bridge between Iran and Syria by taking control of the towns of Al-Qa’im and Palmyra in Syria. We intend to take over about 300 kilometers48 on Syria’s border with Iraq in the T-449 area, thus creating a land bridge between Iran, Iraq, and Syria.”

  Everyone applauded enthusiastically in response.

  “Hezbollah’s shahids,” Soleimani continued, “will be the ones to shed the blood of the Sunni Syrian rebels supported by Israel and the U.S. in order to foil the revolution…”

  Mustafa Badr al-Din was appalled. He was well familiar with the meaning of the word ‘shahid’ in Iranian culture, which sanctified death. Sitting down, he whispered in his guest’s ear, “My honorable sir, dear General Qasem Soleimani, we’ve already had nearly 2,000 casualties in the battles against the rebel forces in northern Syria, and almost 8,000 wounded. I need to reserve some forces for the front against Israel in the south.”

  Qasem Soleimani’s face darkened. He was a man of honor and did not like to be humiliated in public or to have his requests contradicted.

  However, Mustafa Badr al-Din continued to stand up bravely for his opinion, speaking louder. “We entered the Syrian civil war as an organization with its own country, standing at the forefront of the battle against Israel. Today, unfortunately, I feel we’re beginning to be a mere tool for Russia. We’re outcasts within the Arab world, seeking legitimacy in Lebanon. Although we are still the most powerful military organization in Lebanon, our deep involvement with the ongoing civil war in Syria, a battle with plenty of regional implications, has turned us into the enemy in many Sunni sectors. We’ve thus squandered all the credit we earned in the Arab world following the war we conducted against IDF in 2006.”

  Qasem Soleimani could not hide the intense anger he was feeling. “Has the tail started to wag the dog?!” he yelled furiously at Hezbollah’s military commander. “Who gave you those weapons we just saw? The Russians? The Syrians?”

  Mustafa Badr al-Din was not frightened, earnestly sharing his concerns. “I’m sorry, honored commander, I truly appreciate the wondrous Iranian nation’s contribution to the battles. But we are patriotic Lebanese. Our problem is that nearly 2,300,000 Syrian refugees have fled and ended up in Lebanon, creating a strong economic burden upon the state. From a long-term perspective, I believe we are a Lebanese organization and that the organization’s involvement in Syria actually benefits Israel in the long run. I wonder how the destruction of Syria and the murder of its citizens are the path to liberating Jerusalem. There are also voices among us saying that Hezbollah is sacrificing the Shiites in Lebanon in order to placate Iran.”

  This was truly too much for Qasem Soleimani. As far as he was concerned, this was not merely heresy in regard to his country’s vision and terrible lack of gratitude, but also a betrayal of the Shiite homeland that had founded Hezbollah and supported it all through the years. His philosophy was simple: you’re either with me or against me.

  He was furious. The heads of Hezbollah, who saw themselves as military leaders and army commanders, were to him merely a pack of ignorant farmers who need
ed to be taught their place by means of a massive club to the head. He rose from his seat, produced his pistol, placed it against the stunned Mustafa Badr’s head and pulled the trigger, as he called out, “You dog and son of dogs!” He then waved his pistol around, yelling in rage, “Does anyone else have anything to say to me?”

  None of the Hezbollah officers moved. They were stunned by the pure evil demonstrated in front of their eyes by their Iranian patron.

  Soleimani used a paper napkin to wipe the splatter of Badr al-Din’s brain from his face and hand before taking his leave, cursing in Farsi, “To hell with those ungrateful Arabs and traitorous sons of whores!”

  His bodyguards cocked their submachine guns and aimed them at the Hezbollah officers in the room so as to ensure that no one dared harm their commander. No one moved. Everyone was utterly stunned. Soleimani and his men rushed wildly away from the site, heading for the closest Syrian airport where an Iranian military jet was awaiting them.

  On the plane on their way back to Teheran, Qasem Soleimani smiled to himself. The Iranians always viewed themselves as a superior nation in comparison to the culturally and technologically inferior Arabs. According to the Iranian view, their Arab neighbors in the Middle East only understood the language of power, which he had demonstrated to them in an unequivocal way. By killing Hezbollah’s military commander, he had exhibited his determination, as well as the fact that Iranian retaliation against anyone who veered off track would be cruel and immediate. He believed a donkey setting out on a long journey did not return as a horse; a donkey required ruthless treatment since it was an obstinate animal.

  After he had taught them a lesson, he was certain they would execute his master plan verbatim, taking part in Iranian efforts to build the Shiite Crescent opposite Israel, as well as turning Syria into a subordinate country that was financially dependent upon Iran, which had aided the president during the civil war.

  In time, Qasem Soleimani would have another important role for them: they would be his emissary in toppling the economy of the State of Israel. At the right moment, when he was prepared and ready, they would start smuggling in counterfeit Israeli money across the border. Later, it would need to be delivered to the most powerful Arab mafia in Umm al-Fahm, the largest Arab city in Israel. The mafia was their largest distributor of opium and amphetamines, produced in the Beqaa Valley in Lebanon.

  The first part of Iran’s plan of revenge against Israel had already been launched with considerable success. As far as Qasem Soleimani knew, the Israeli submarine Neptune, the spearhead of Israel’s strategic weapons, had been sunk by the Yemenite Houthis, his protégés, in the Bab el-Mandab Strait.

  The second part of the operation would be the responsibility of Minister of Intelligence Sayyid Muhammad Alawi, who would handle Iman al-Uzbeki and his people in London, striking at the heart of the despised Great Satan, the British security service, ally to the Americans and the Jews.

  The third part, authorized by the Supreme Leader, was economic warfare against Israel designed to cause its economy to collapse. Qasem Soleimani still needed time to prepare for this phase.

  Several hours after the events of the parade, Hassan Nasrallah, secretary-general of the Hezbollah organization, released a statement to the press. “The head of our Operations Division, Badr al-Din, fifty-five years old, was killed in battle by rebel forces’ artillery fire directed at one of Hezbollah’s bases near Damascus Airport. The results of the investigation merely increase our determination to continue the struggle against these heretical organizations.”

  Iran’s ambassador in Beirut, Ghazanfar Roknabadi, quickly sent a message of condolence to Nasrallah, praising “the heroic shahid’s participation in Hezbollah’s most breathtaking intrepid operations against Israel.”

  In a conference that took place at Netanya Academic College that evening, Israeli Chief of General Staff Shlomo Tal said, “Details published about the circumstances of the murder of Hezbollah’s military commander indicate the extent of the cruelty, complexity, and tension between Hezbollah and their Iranian patron, which only testifies to the depth of the crisis within the organization.”

  * * *

  45Al-Nusra Front or Jabhat al-Nusra, known as Jabhat Fatah al-Sham since July 2016 and also described as “al-Qaeda in Syria,” is a jihadist organization that fought against Syrian government forces in the Syrian Civil War, aiming to establish an Islamic state in the country.

  46Martyrs’ (or Shahid) Day is a Syrian and Lebanese national holiday commemorating the Syrian and Lebanese Arab nationalists executed in Damascus and Beirut on May 6, 1916, by Jamal Pasha, also known as ‘The Butcher,’ the Ottoman wāli (governor) of Greater Syria.

  47Al Arabiya broadcast network is an Arab-language TV network headquartered in Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, owned by the MBC corporation.

  48About 200 miles.

  49The Tiyas Military Airbase, also known as the T-4 Airbase, is a Syrian Air Force base located in the Homs Governorate, north of Tiyas, and west of the ancient city of Palmyra, Syria. It is the largest airbase in Syria and is named after the nearby T4 drilling station of the Kirkuk–Baniyas pipeline.

  Chapter 34

  Work Meeting with the Boss

  It was their first work meeting.

  “Hi, Arik,” Raya Ron said, looking elegant and fresh as if she had just stepped out of the shower. “How are your wife and kids?”

  “Everyone’s fine, thanks,” Arik replied laconically.

  “You’re currently the highest-ranked member of the Operations Administration. In terms of seniority, I think Gideon Perry, head of the Logistics and Finance Administration, has been here the longest, right?”

  Arik nodded.

  She added, “Perry has already informed me that he wants to retire soon, and I think that’s an opportunity for change. I’ve already received the prime minister’s authorization to alter the Office’s organizational structure in accordance with the vision I presented to all of you. I want to refresh the organizational structure and the points of emphasis in our work in the twenty-first century, as well as to freshen up our ranks. It’s time to replace the old guard of division heads, some of whom have been in office for over ten years.”

  “Right,” Arik nodded. “I heard about that in the employee meeting when you revealed your vision for the future. The truth is that I was surprised when you mentioned my name as second-in-command to the Mossad director without us having discussed it first. And that’s also where I heard you were planning to assign the reorganization to me, which also caught me by surprise.”

  “You’re right,” she replied. “I admit I should have talked to you first, but I didn’t have time because of everything that happened here with the Iranians, the submarine affair, and all the chaos surrounding it.”

  “The chaos and the work under pressure and constantly shifting conditions happen all the time here,” Arik replied with a barb. “For us, it’s routine.”

  She did not reply, but merely assessed him with her gaze.

  “I listened to you carefully during the presentation of your vision, and I was impressed by how much thought you’ve dedicated to the topic of organizational change.”

  “The first thing, as you’ve already noticed, is that I announced at the division heads’ meeting that I’ve decided to change your job title from deputy Mossad director to second-in-command to the Mossad director,” she explained. “This isn’t just an additional title indicating seniority; you’re my replacement for all intents and purposes. This is in coordination with the prime minister, and I’ll issue you an official appointment letter.”

  Arik smiled cynically. He had no doubt the idea had originated with Ehud Tzur. This was his way of compensating people for betraying them, sarcastically referred to as, “Will graduate, but not at my school.”

  “Thanks,” he finally said, adding
, “Shall we continue?”

  “Take, for example, all the division heads in your administration,” Ron stated. “All of them are already in their late sixties. They’re all close to retirement age and have stuck around since the previous Mossad director considered them to be irreplaceable. I don’t believe in age bias, whether it’s positive or negative. My father, too, is a doctor who continues to volunteer at his community clinic even though he’s nearly eighty. I think we need to adapt the Mossad to twenty-first-century activity. More cyber, more technology, and less classic intelligence with collection officers and human spies. What do you think?”

  Arik was impressed and pleasantly surprised. This was precisely his opinion. He was surprised that she had realized it within such a short time. Apparently, she had done her homework well before coming to the Mossad. He chose not to share the fact that his own thoughts regarding the need for change, when he believed he would be charged with commanding the agency just a short time ago, were quite similar to her vision.

  “With regard to organizational change, I don’t reject it out of hand,” he replied in a measured tone, “but I need time. Let me mull it over for a bit. I think I’ll want to visit Jack Derby, head of the CIA, in order to see what his thoughts are, since they’ve also recently carried out some organizational reforms. I also want to visit Sir John at the British MI6 as well as Admiral Lacoste in the French DGSE.”

  “Put together an advisory committee comprising the best professionals you choose in the fields of organizational development and operations research. But please have them undergo a security screening with the Director of Security of the Defense Establishment. Take Gideon Perry, the most senior member of the Office, as well as Joe Amar along with you when you visit the three foreign intelligence agencies, and come back to me with a concrete proposal,” Raya Ron offered.